History and general description of New France [microform]

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AON SHEA

HISTORY

! AND

GENERAL DESCRIPTION

OF

NEW FRANCE.

BY

THE REV. P. F. X. DE CHARLEVOIX, S. J.
TRANSLATED, WITH NOTES, BY JOHN GILMARY SHEA.

IN SIX VOLUMES,
VOL. IL

&

NEW YORK:
JOHN GILMARY SHEA.
1866.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1866,
By JOHN GILMARY SHEA,
In tho Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern
District of New York,

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4

PREFACE.

In presenting the second volume of this history no remark seems
necessary; yet to avoid a misconception on the part of some, it may
be well to state explicitly that the note- in this edition, embracing
all citations of authorities, are the work of the translator, excepting only
the few occasional notes to which the name of Charlevoix is added in
italics, Tt may also be added, as a guide to the reader, that the orthog-
raphy of proper names in the text is that given by Charlevoix. In the
notes it is given as found in the autograph of the individual.

I am indebted to Dr. John Torrey for valuable assistance in identi-
fying some of the plants described by the author, and to Mr. Park-
man and his publishers, and to the Sulpitians of Paris for the use of
the portraits of Menendez and Olier presented in this and the previous

volume,

The new edition of Champlain's Voyages, edited by the Abbé Laver-
diére, who kindly put his proofsheets at my service, has been of great
assistance; and I owe to him also an account of his discovery of Cham-
plain’s tomb.

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CONTENTS.

BOOK IV.

State of Quebec in 1610. Mr. de Champlain joins his allies in an expedition against

the Iroquois, The settlement of the Dutch in Nev Netherland. Continuation of
Mr. de Champlain’s expedition. Indian want of precaution in war. Impostures
of medicine-men, Reflection on this point. Discovery of a lake to which Mr. de
Champlain gives his name. Lake of the Blessed Sacrament. The allies and the
Iroquois meet and recognize each other. They engage. Victory of the allies, and
Mr. de Champlain’s share therein, Cruelties of the victors. Reception of the
Montagnez in their village aft’: their victory. Mr. de Champlain returns to
France, Name of New France given to Canada, Second expedition of Mr. de
Champlain and his allies against the Iroquois. Vigorous defence and defeat of the
latter. The Count de Soissons puts himself at the head of Canadian affairs, His
death. The Prince succeeds him, and assumes the title of viceroy of New France.
The Recollect Fathers arrive at Quebec, Champlain's third expedition against
the Iroquois. How to act with Indians, Attack on the Iroquois fort. Champlain
is wounded and forced to retreat. He winters in the Huron country against his
will. A Recollect Brother renders a great service to the colony. New France is
greatly neglected. Marshal de Montmorency viceroy of New France. The Iro-
quois undertake to destroy the French colony. The Canada Company is sup-
pressed. Quebec fortified. The Duke de Ventadour viceroy of New France. Five
Jesuits arrive in Canada. A Recollect Father drowned, and his Huron companions
suspected of causing his death. The Jesuits meet great opposition in Canada.
Wretched state of the colony. Company of a Hundred Associates for the settle-
ment of New France; its privileges, and what it undertakes. Hostility of the
English. They demand the surrender of Quebec. Champlain’s reply. The Eng-
lish capture a French squadron. Mr, de Champlain’s embarrassment. Quebec
again summoned by the Engli/h. Conditions on which the place surrendered.
Good usage. Most of the settlers remain in the country. Emery de Caen, coming
to the relief of Quebec, is captured by the English. A French Calvinist projector
and guide of the English expedition. He dies frantic. Bad faith of the English

CONTENTS.

admiral. Somo advise against demanding the restitution of Canada. Reply to
their arguments. Champlain's opinion, Canada restored to France. In what
condition, Why the English neglected Acadia.

BOOK V.

De Champlain appointed governor-general of New France. Character of the Hurons.
The Company of a Hundred Associates will not permit the return of the Recollects
to Canada The conduct of the English had made the Indians regret the French.
Several Jesuits arrive at Quebec. Success of their first labors. Protestants
excluded from New France. Judicious choice of the first colonists, Character of
the first missionaries. Settlement in the Huron country projected. De Ciamplain
wishes to oblige the Indians to take missionaries with them. They refuse. Why ?%
Good and bad qualities of the Hurons. Origin of the tribe. Extent and nature of
their country. Why de Champlain wished to plant a settlement there and the
missionaries to make it a central point. Two Jesuits procee1 thither. A third
follows. Hardships of the journey, First permanent Huron mission. Difficulties
in converting these Indians. ‘heir conduct towards the missionaries. Efforts of
the medicine-men to prevent tke progress of the faith. Other difficulties, Won-
ders wrought, and their effect. Conduct of the missionaries. What passed at a
council. New persecution, appeased at first. The Word of God begins to bear
fruit among the Hurons. Why the baptism of some chiefs is deferred. Why the
tribe becomes more docile. Character of other Indian nations. Progress of reli-
gion. College of Quebec founded, First effects. Death of Mr. de Champlain.
His ch2racter and eulogy. The Chevalier de Montmagni succeeds him. Seminary
for Indian boys projected. Number of missionaries among the Hurons. The
colony languishes through the fault of the Company of a Hundred Associates.
The Iroquois deceive the Hurons by a pretended peace. War renewed. Various
missionary expeditions. The Iroquois insult Three Rivers. Epidemic among the
Hurons. Interest in France for the conversion of the Indians. Foundation of
Sillery. Edifying conduct of the people of Quebec. Establishn.ent of the Hos-
pital and Ursuline nuns. Their reception. Their fervor. Courage of Madame de
la Peltrie, fcundress of the Ursulines. First labors of the nuns. The colony still
neglected by the Company of New France. The war between the Hvrons and
Troquois continued. The first Iroquois Christian. Position of the Huron mission.
Singular adventure of Father Jerome Lallemant. Sufferings of the missionaries ;
their occupations ; manner of instructing. Reflections on the conversion of
Indians. State of the missions at Three Rivers, Tadoussac, and around the Gulf.
The pretended worship of the cross among the Gaspe Indians. Noble conduct of
the Hurons. Their reward. Defeat of an Iroquois party. Many Iroquois prison-
ers baptized at death. Scheme of the Iroquois to draw the French away from the
Hurons. They treat with the former in bad faith. Embarrassed position of the
governor-general, The settlement of Montreal projected, Begun. Tradition as
to the ancient inhabitants of that island.

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CONTENTS.

BOOK VI.

Fort Richelieu. Numerous conversions among the Hurons, A famous Huron chief.

lis calling to Christianity. His baptism and fervor. Reflection on Indian
harangues. Missionary excursion to the Saulteurs or Chippewas. The Dutch
supply the Iroquois with arms and ammunition, Supineness of the Hurons.
Many surprised by the Iroquois. Several taken, and with them Father Jogues
and two other Frenchmen, who allow themselves to be captured. Their treat-
ment. Abandoned to the fury of a war-party whom they met. Father Jogues
again refuses to escape. The prisoners tortured in three villages successively.
Their piety and fervor. All spared but three chiefs, who die as Christian heroes,
The Dutch apply for the French prisoners, Refused. Martyrdom of Rene Goupii.
Father Jogues avails himself of his captivity to make the true God known to the
Iroquois. Wonderful conversion of one of these Indians, followed by several
others. The Neutral nation destroyed by the Iroquois. Fruits of grace in this
nation, Judgment of God on a Huron village. Noble conduct of a Huron Chris-
tian, and its results. Information given to the governor-general by Father Jogues.
Ineffectual efforts made for his delivery, Hears that his death is fixed upon. A
Dutch officer offers to save him. He accepts the offer. His escape. He arrives in
England, and is stripped by robbers. Reaches France. Solicits permission from
the Pope to say Mass with his mutilated hands. The Pope's reply. The character
of this missionary. His return to Canada. What he learns there of his mission.
Fervor and sanctity of the Hurons. Miraculous conversion of an Algonquin chief.
Fervor of the Algonquin missions. Calumnies against the Jesuits in France.
The New France Company justifies them. Father Bressani exposes himself to a
great danger. Taken by the Iroquois, Sufferings during his captivity. Delivered,
and goes to France. Sad state of the colony. The governor-general endeavors to
make peace with the Iroquois. What occurred between him and some Hurons.
The lat .er agree to treat. The Iroquois seem favorable. Public audience given
to their deputies, and what occurred. Peace ratified by the cantons, Father
Bressani returns to the Hurons. Death of Fathers Enemond Masse and Anne de
Noiic. The Sokokis endeavor to break the peace, The Iroquois ratify it again.
Father Jogues visits the Iroquois twice. Hostilities renewed between the Iroquois
and Hurons. Extent and situation of the Iroquois country. Origin of their name.
Peculiaritics of each canton. Fruit-trees. Animals and diamonds. The Iroquois
attack a Huron village. Noble conduci of three Hurons. Progress of religion
during the peace. Father Jogues, returning to the Iroquois, is abandoned by his
guides, He is received by the Mohawks as if he had been a prisoner of war.
What prejudiced the Indiaps against him. His death. His murderer is con.
verted. The Mohawks reuew the war. Singular adventure of an Algonquin
Christian woman, and hey escape from the hands of the Iroquois. Who were the
Abénaquis. They ask and obtain a missionary. Their character. Reception of
Father Dreuillettes by the Capuchin Fathers. The first labors of this missionary.
Mr. de Montmagui recalled. Mr. d’Aillebodt succeeds him. Character of both.

iv

CONTENTS.

BOOK VII.

State of the colony in 1648. Mismanagement of the Hurons. The Huron town of St.

Joseph destroyed by the Iroquois. Heroic death vi the Jesuit Father Anthony
Daniel. Project of an alliance between the English nnd French colonies in
America. Deputation of the Jesuit Father Dreuillettea and the Sieur Godefroy,
councillor of the Council of Quebec, to Boston, Apathy of the Hurons. Two
Huron towns destroyed by the Iroquois. Fathers de Brebeuf and Lallemant taken.
Various engagements between the Hurons and Iroquois. Fathers de Brebeuf and
Lallemant burnt. Dispersion of the Hurons. Most retire to St. Joseph’s Isle.
Their sufferings there. Their fervor. Rashness of the Hurons of the town of St.
John. A town destroyed by the Iroquois. Heroic death of Father Garnier, the
pastor. Death of Father Chabanel. Hurons conspire against all the missionaries
The firmness of two of these Fathers disconcerts their plans. Singular interposi-
tions of Providence in favor of the Christians. New misfortunes befall the Hurons.
Severol descend to Quebec. Their reception. What became of the rest. Desti-
tution of the former. Their rasimess. Untoward expedition, in which many
Christians perish. Account of an Algonquin burat by the Iroquois. Fervor of
the Christians. The use of liquors begins to produce great disorders in some mis-
sions. Mr. de Lauson appointed governor-general of New France. The governor
of Three Rivers killed by the Iroquois. Ravages of these savages in the North.
Progress of the faith among the Abénaquis nations. Father Buteux starts north-
ward with a presentiment that he will not return. He is killed by the Iroquois,
Several missionaries return to Europe. Progress of the colony of Montreal. New
negotiations for peace. Capture of Father Poncet by the Mohawks. His sufferings
and deliverance. His perils in returning to Quebec. Peace concluded. Father
le Moyne goes to Onondaga to ratify the treaty. Fervor of the Huron captives
among the Iroquois. Danger of Father !< Moyne from the perfidy of the Mohawks.
Piety of the Hurons on Isle Orieans. The Mohawks endeavor to break off the
peace. They renew hostilities and assassinate a Jesuit lay-brother. Exploit of an
Algonquin squaw. The Mohawks make peace again, and a missionary is given to
them. ‘T'wo other missionaries go to Onondaga. Tuey settle there. Fruit of their
first labors. Destruction of the Eriez nation by the Iroquois. Project of a Fzench
colony at Onondaga. Hostility of the Mohawks. They carry off part of the
Hurons from Isle Orleans. Adventures of the Ottawas after the destruction of the
Hurons. Missionaries are given to seme of them. They are attacked by the
Mohawks. Father Garreau mortally wounded. The French reach Onondaga.
Their reception. A part of the Hurons on Isle Orlevns offer to give themselves to
the Mohawks, and repent. Pride of the Mohawks. Dilemma of the Hurons. A
whole tribe surrenders to the Mohawks. The Onondazas come to Quebec for the
same purpose. Reply made to them.

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HISTORY

AND

GENERAL DESCRIPTION

NEW FRANCH:

WHEREIN WILL BE FOUND

ALL THAT RELATES TO THE DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS
OF THE FRENCH IN NORTH AMERICA.

BOOK IV.

Arter the foundation of Quebec, and Madame de
Guerchevil!»’s refusal to unite with Mr. de Monts, the
latter had still influence enough to form a new company.
Messrs. de Champlain and de Pontgravé adhered to his
interests 110re strongly than ever, and embarked in 1610—
the latter, to continue the trade at Tadoussac; the former,
to visit and advance his settlement at Quebec.

He found every thing there in as good a condition as he
could reasonably expect. He had caused barley aad
wheat to be sowed the year before, and the crop of both
grains had been abundant. He had also planted vines ;
but his people pulled them up during his absence, and in
fact there was no prospect of their thriving. All the set-
tlers were in good health, and seemed contented. The
Indians living in the neighborhood were the Algonquins.’

1 Formerly called Algoumekins.—Charlevoiz.

1609-15.

State of
Quebec in
1610,

1609.
—_—_—_—

Mr, de
Champlain
goes to war
aguinst the

Indians,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

The Montagnez were lower down towards Tadoussac ; and
it was the more easy for the French to form an alliance
with these two nations, as, far from being a burden, the
French aided them in their necessities, which were at
times extreme, especially when hunting failed them, as
happened quite frequently.

But the greatest advantage which these savages ex-
pected from the French, was to be aided by them against
the Iroquois. In the year 1609, Champlain, who had win-
tered at Quebec,’ having been joined there in the spring
by Pontgravé’ when a party composed of Hurons, Algon-
quins,’ and Montagnez, was preparing to march against

1 Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1613),
pp. 177-204,

2 He left Quebec, June (7. ¢., May)
7, to meet Dupont-Gravé ut Tadous-
sac (ib., p. 205); and then having
concerted with him an expedition to
the Iroquois country, returned to
Quebec, whence he set out, June
(May) 18, and went up to a river
which he calls St. Mary's, and which

* Mr. Ferland thinks the St. Anne de

la Perade (ib., p. 208; Ferland, i., p.
150). Here he met a party of Hu-
rons and one of Algonquins, with
whom he returned to Quebec.

§ The Algonquins and Montagnais
were tribes of the same stock. The
former tribe has indeed given its
name to the whole family of kindred
tribes occupying a great part of
North America. As to the pos-
itive locality of the Algonquins
and Montagnais there are most
remarkable differences of opinion.
Charlevoix here places tho Algon-
quins near Quebec, and the Montag-
nais lower down, near Tadoussac.
De Ja Potherie (Histoire de l'Amé-
rique Septentrionale, i., p. 294) puts
the Montagnais on the Saguenay,
and Algonquins, to the number of
fifteen hundred, between Quebec and

Sillery—a statement utterly improb-
able—with others at Three Rivers,
Saguenay, and inland (p. 296); al-
though he admits the Ottawa to have
been their original country (p. 288),
More recent historians agree as little.
Mr. Garneau (Histoire du Canada,
i., p. 86) places the Algonquins on
the St. Lawrence, from a little below
Quebec to the St. Maurice, with one
tribe at Montreal ; the Ottawas, on
the river of that name; and tho
Montagnais, on the Saguenay and
Lake St. John, The Abbé Ferland
(Cours d’Histoire, p. 91) puts the Al-
gonquins around Quebec and up the
St. Lawrence to St. Peter’s Lake;
and the Montagnais, on the Sague-
nay and two or three other rivers,
According to de Laet, the Indians
from the Saguenay to the gulf of
the St. Lawrence were the Cana-
dians (lib. ii., ch. 8). Lescarbot (His-
toire de la Nouvelle France, p. 287)
says the people of Gaspé and Chaleur
Bay called themselves Canadacoa.
Sagard, in his Histoire du Canada (p.
152), and Champlain (Voyages, 1632,
p. 131) place the Canadians there. The
present Naskapees most probably rep-
resent these Canadians. The Mon-
tagnais, according to Sagard (Ilis-

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

this common enemy, allowed himself to be persuaded to
accompany them. He did not doubt, that with three
nations on his side, still quite numerous, and interested to
remain inseparably united to the French, he would find it
easy to subdue successively all those which might under-
take to oppose his designs, and to all appearance his pro-
ject was certain of success ; but he did not foresee taat the
Troquois, who alone for some time held their own against
all th Indians for a hundred leagues around them, would
soon be backed by neighbors, jealous of France, and soon
to become more powerful than ourselves in that part of
America.’

It was, in fact, in this same year that Henry Hudson,
an Englishman, but then in the service of the Dutch East
India Company, sailing with orders to make a new attempt
to find a passage to China north of America, after seeking

toire du Canada, p. 27), were so called
by the French from the fact that
they made their winter hunt in the
mountains. He places them around
Quebec (ib., p. 169), and alludes to
them repeatedly as the nearest:
Champlain also (Voyages, ed, 1682,
p. 131; ed. 1618, Laverdiére, p. 161).
Father Massé labored at Quebec, and
Champlain gives Montagnais prayers
by him (Voyages, 1632, Doctrine, etc.,
p. 16). The earliest Jesuit Relations
give the same district to the Mon-
tagnais (Relation, 1632, p. 11; 1633,
pp. 3, 8, 16, ete. ; 1684, pp. 12, 49),
The Relation of 1635 even speaks of
them as being as far up as Three
Rivers (p. 21). None of these early
writers speak of Algonquins near
Quebec or Three Rivers, except
as camping for a time. The Al-
gommequins (Champlain, Voyages,
edition 1618, pp. 169, 295)—Al-
goumequins (Sagard, Grand Voy-
age, p. 76; Histoire du Canada, p.
201; Brebeuf, Relation des Hurons,
1635)—were clearly on the Ottawa

River, which Champlain cails the
Great River of the Algonquins. Un-
der the general name Algonquins
were comprised the Iroquet, Petite
Nation, and Algonquins de I’Isle;
the next tribe beyond being the Ni-
pissings (Epicerinyen: Sagard, His-
toire, p. 193; Grend Voyage, p. 74 ;
Champlain, Voyage (1613), p. 311).
For the origin of the war against
the Iroquois, see Perrot, Mceurs
et Coustumes de Sauvages, p. 9.
In Champlain’s expedition, as we
shall see, the Hurons and Algon-
quins came down, and the Mon-
tagnais went up, to the Sorel. The
Montagnais still subsist, but have
fallen down the St. Lawrence to
the Saguenay. ‘che Algonquins and
Nipissings are now represented by
the little community at the Lake of
the Two Mountains.

' Mr. Faillon, in his Histoire de la
Colonie Francaise (i., pp. 186-40), se-
verely criticises Champlain’s engag-
ing in this war, but there is much to
excuse him.

Settlement
of the
Duteh in
New Neth-
erlund,

10

1609,
—_—_——
The Duteh

in New

Netherland,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

it in vain, landed on Cape Cod; then continued to range
the coast, always keeping southward, and at 40° N, discoy-
ered a great bay, which he entered, He perceived a river,
which he ascended for sixty leagues, giving it the name of
Manhatte, that of the inhabitants of the country.’

The next year, some merchants of Amsterdam sent
ships into this river, to trade there.” In 1615, a fort was
built where the city of Manhatte now stands ;’ and this
whole country assumed the name of New Netherland... In
the course of time the Dutch built Fort Orange, much fur-
ther north.’ Richard Blome, tho author of “ British Amer-
ica,” pretends that Hudson sold that country to the Dutch,
without the consent of the king of Great Britain, his
sovereign, but that Samuel Argall, when governor of Vir-
ginia, expelled them; that they obtained of James I.
merely liberty to water there on their way from Brazil ;
and that since that time they have had no settlement
there. But apart from the improbability of this account,

1 For Hudson's voyages, see Col. have been given by the Dutch from

N. Y. Hist. Soc, series 1, vol. i;
series 2, vols. i, and ii. ; O'Callaghan’s
New Netherland, i., p. 83. Hon. H.
C. Murphy, Henry Hudson in Hol-
land, 1859; J. M. Read, Jr., Hist
Enquiry 1866. He reached the coast
at the mouth of the Penobscot. It
is not stated that he landed on Cape
Cod. He went down to the Chesa-
peake, entered the Delaware, and
on the 8d of September rounded
Sandy Hook, and entered “The
Great North River of New Nether-
land.” Hudson did not call the
river Manhattan. It was so called
in 1614. Menate is an Algonquin
word, meaning island, and was the
universal 'rench name for the island
where New York stands. It was
also applied to Long Island. Zeis-
berger, Spelling-Book, p. 22. The
Albany Records (xviii., p. 848),
like De Laet (p. 70), make it to

a tribe living there.
2De Laet, Novus Orbis, p. 70;
N. Y. Colonial Documents, i., p. 211;
O'Callaghan, New Netherland, i., p.
68 ; Brodhead’s, New York i., p. 44.

3 By Corstiaensen,

‘The name New Netherland was
first given after the exploration of
Adrian Block, Hendrick Corstiaen-
sen, and Cornelis Jacobsen Mey, in
1614: O'Callaghan, New Netherland,
i, p. 72.

6 The fort at Albany was built on
an island, in 1614: O'Callaghan,
New Netherland, i., p. 76.

¢ Blome, The Present State of his
Majesty’s Iles and Territories in
America (London, 1687), p. 202. For
a discussion of the pretended Argall
claim, sce Folsom, in New York
Historical Collection, ii, p. 883. It
rests on Plantagenet’s New Albion
(Force’s Tracts), ii. p. 18.

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HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

the author contradicts himself; for he immediately says
that in 1464 commissioners sent by King Charles II. took
from them the city of Manhattan, which they called New
Amsterdam; and that thirteen years after, Sir Robert
Carr took from them the fort and town of Orange, which
was afterwards called Albany.’

It is, moreover, certain that the Dutch up to that time
possessed a good part of that province ; that they had as
neighbors on the west the Swedes, who had called New
Sweden what now bears the name of New Jersey; and
that New Netherland subsisted under that name till the
reign of Charles II. Then the English, who had often
troubled the Dutch there, obliged them to yield it up in
exchange for Surinam; giving, however, private indi-
viduals settled there liberty to remain, as most in fact
did.’ Charles II. gave the domain to the Duke of York,
his brother,’ and subsequently his successor; and from
that time New Netherland changed its name to New York.
Orange was styled Albany ; but as a great many Dutch
families remained there, they continued to call it Orange,
and the French in Canada give it no other name. Above
this city there is a fort and town on the border of the Iro-
quois cantons, and called Corlar,‘ from which these In-
dians are accustomed to give the name of Corlar to the
governor of New York.

To close this digression, the necessity of which will be
seen hereafter, the Dutch, while masters of this province—
one of the most fertile in North America—never declared
openly against us, as the Englisi. have since done on

1 Blome (The Present State) says
thirteen days, not years.

2 New Netherland surrendered,
Sept. 6, 1664. See Articles of Ca-
pitulation in O’Callaghan, New Neth-
erland, i., p. 532. It was recaptured
by the Dutch in 1678, and the next

year giver up in return for Suri-
nam,

3 March 22, 1664. When Charles
II. recovered it from Holland in
1674, he issued a new grant to his
brother.

‘Schenectady, called by the In-
dians Corlar, from one of the leaders
in the settlement in the place, Arendt
Van Curler, as to whom see O’Calla-
ghan’s New Netherland, ii, p. 823.

11

1609,
——

The Duteh
in New
Netherland

12 * HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1609, every possible occasion: but by giving arms and ammu-
—Y— nition to the Iroquois, with whom Mr, de Champlain had
unfortunately embroiled himself in behalf of his allies,
they enabled those savages to do us great injury, and
compelled us to supply the other Indians with fire-arms, of
which good policy required that they should not learn the
use. We must, however, do Mr. de Champlain the justice
to say, that his intention was solely to humble the Troquois,
in order to succeed in uniting all the nations of Canada to
our alliance by a solid peace, and that it is not his fault if
circumstances which he could not foresee turned events

quite differently from what he had believed.
Cham- Be that as it may, he embarked on the river with his

plain’s first oo ° :
expedition @llies.’ He then entered a river, long known as the River

eens. of the Iroquois, because those Indians generally descended
it in order to make their inroads into ‘he colony, but which

now bears the name of Sorel. After ascending it fifteen
leagues, he reached the foot of a rapid’ which it was impos-

sible to pass in boats. Neither this difficulty, nor the bad

faith of the Indians—who had assured him that he could

go to the Iroquois without any obstacle—repelled him.

He sent back his boat to Quebec, and continued to follow

his allies with two Frenchmen, who would not leave him.’

Went of The rapid passed, they began to advance with a little
uthe war- more precaution. They camped early, and intrenched
m™ themselves on the land-side with a strong abatis of trees ;
for it is not the Indian custom to fortify on the water-

side, as they are never attacked in that direction. Care is

taken only to arrange tho canoes on the bank of the

lake or river; and the surprise must be complete indeed,

if they have not time to embark and get out of peril

before the intrenchment is carried. As soon as they have

? He left Quebec with them, May *Now known as the Chambly
28, 1609: Champlain, Voyages (ed. Rapids.—Charlev. Champlain, Voy-
1613), p. 211. The date is really, ages (ed. 1618), p. 214; Laverdiére’s
however, June. See Laverditre’s ed., p. 184.
ed., p. 178. Ib. p. 217.

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HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE

encainped, it is customary to send out scouts, but it is al-
most entirely for form's sake, The scouts do not go very
far; and as soon as they return without seeing any thing
all rest very quietly. They never think of putting senti-
nels at the entrance of the camp, where no one watches,
These savages are daily the dupes of this foolish confi-
dence, but they do not correct the error. The Iroquois
alone use more circumspection in war, and there is no
doubt that it is one of the principal causes of the superi-
ority which they have acquired over the enemies who
have never yielded to them in valor, and might easily
have crushed them by numbers.

Champlain in vain warned his allies of the peril to which
they exposed themselves by such irregular conduct. All
the reply they made him was, that people who had labored
all day needed rest at night. Nevertheless, when they
thought themselves near the enemy, he induced them to
make their scouts more exact in the discharge of their
duties, to march only by night, and not light any fires by
day. What contributed the more to this security, which so
troubled the French, was the confidence of the Indians in
their medicine-men, whom Champlain styles Pilotois’ and
Ostemoy. The first thought of the one who accompanied
the army was to make a little cabin of skins, as soon as they
landed to encamp. He covered it with the same skin that
served him as a garment ; then he entered it, stark-naked,
and the warriors came and ranged themselves around him.
He began then to utter words unintelligible to all, said to
be a prayer to invoke the god of war. A moment after,
he announced that the divinity had come ai his call, and
made known the information which he had received from
him. He at last rose; for all this time he had remained

‘Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1613), p. 221; Laverdiére’s edition, p. 187.
p. 220. Their first halt was on St. Pilotois is a Basque word: Biard,
Teresa Island; Laverditre’s edition, Relation (1611), p. 1%. The word
p. 185. ostemoy, given by Lescarbot, aout-

* Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1618), moin,isMicmac.: Laverdiére, p. 187.

1609,

Impostures
of jugglers,

14

1609.
—_—_——’

Impostures
of jugglers,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

prostrate on the ground. He cried out; he worked him-
self up; he seemed beside himself; and the perspiration
streamed from every part of his body.

The cabin, too, sometimes shook; and those present
never doubted but that this movement was caused by the
presence of the spirit. They took great care to call the
attention of Mr. de Champlain to this pretended wonder ;
but he had seen the medicine-man shake the poles, and
laughed at them. They told him, one day, that he was
going to see fire come out of the top of the cabin; but he
looked in vain: the fire did not appear. It would perhaps
have appeared, had Mr. de Champlain been less attentive ;
for these impostors usually take precautions to provide
themselves with all needed to light a fire. The language
employed in these invocations has nothing in common
with any Indian language, and consists probably only in
uncouth sounds, produced on the spot by an excited ima-
gination, and which these charlatans had succeeded in
passing off as a divine language. They take different
tones: sometimes they swell their voice; then counterfeit
a shrill, tiny voice, like that of our puppets: and this
is supposed to be the spirit addressing them.’

For the most part, just the contrary of what they pre-
dict occurs; but they lose none of their credit on that
account, and always find some means of escape to save
their honor. It is ever the case, that men so ingenious in
deceiving others are surprisingly easy to be themselves
deceived on points where it is most important for them to
avoid being misled. They are not only never on their
guard against illusion, but seem to rush headlong into it.
Antiquity, learned and wise, plunged on this point into
the same and grosser extravagances than our Indians.
The knowledge of the true God, and the incontestable
principles of a divine religion, did not shield the chosen
people, the depositaries of Truth. It was neither savages

1 Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1618), p. 221.

i

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 15

pen nor infidels who said, “Speak unto us pleasant things: 1609.
see errors unto us.” (Is, xxx. 10.) sans, “ieee
To return to our warriors. All the country which Mr. one,
de Champlain traversed in this expedition seemed to him 7 ""?*™
yery beautiful, and is really so. The islands teemed with
stags, fallow-deer, and other like animals, which kept
up a bountiful supply for the army. Great numbers
of beavers were also seen, the proximity of the Iroquois
not permitting hunters to stop long there to take them ;
so that, by favor of war, these amphibious creatures en-
joyed profound peace. Fish, too, swarmed, not only in
the river, but also in a great lake through which it runs,
and to which Mr. de Champlain gave his own name, and
which still preserves it. It is more than twenty leagues
long by ten or twelve wide at the middle, and in shape

approaches an oval.’

About the middle of this lake, very high mountains are fake St.
discovered on the south and west,’ the more distant of 5*te™e™™
which, lying some twenty-five leagues off, seem almost
perpetually covered with snow. The valleys between
them are very fertile, and at the time I speak of were all
inhabited by Iroquois.* Now there are none except at the
south, and it was there that our warriors designed to
make an irruption. On leaving Lake Champlain, another
rapid must bo passed ; after which you enter wu second
lake, which is only four or five leagues long, and is called
Lake St. Sacrement.' The place to which the Indians
wished to go was still further; but the enemy spared

?Champlain (Voyages, ed. 1618, pp. thinks the Hurons meant the Mo-
223-4) says, eighty or one hundred hegans, conquered by the Mohawks:
leagues in extent, Champlain (1613), p. 191.

* Champlain says, east and south. ‘4 Lake George—in Mohawk, Andi-
What Charlevoix says, Champlain atarocte. Champlain gives it no
applies to those on the east (p. 226). name. The French term was given

‘The Indians told Champlain so by the missionary, Father Isaac
(Voyages, ed. 1618, p. 226), but noth- Jogues: Relation de la Nouvelle
ing seems to sustain it. Laverdiére France (1646), p. 15.

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16 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.
1609. them a part of the march, and by mere chance met them
—+— on Lake Champlain.
Thetwo For some time the allies daily inquired of the French ¥
parties ee : ay
mect, Commander whether he had not seen Iroquois in his def
dreams. His constant reply in the negative troubled v
them greatly. At last, whether he wished to relieve their a

minds, or really dreamed it, from constantly hearing the
thing talked of, he told them that during his sleep he
thought he had seen Iroquois drowning in the lake, but
that he attached no importance to the dream. They did
not think so, and no longer doubted of their victory.
Some days after, the enemy whom they expected to sur-
prise in their village, appeared about ten o’clock in the
evening. The joy on both sides was great, and evinced
by loud cries.’

Indians never fight on the water, unless surprised or too Me
far from the shore, which was not the case here. Our “ip
braves aceerdingly made for the shore as soon as they 4
saw the position of affairs. Both parties at once set to ‘4
work to intrench, and this was soon done.’ Then the Al- /
gonquins sent to ask the Iroquois whether they wished to
fight at once; but the latter replied that it was too dark,
that they could not see each other, and must wait till day- ‘
light. The allies agreed, and all slept soundly’ after tak-
ing due precautions. The next morning, at daybreak,

Champlain placed his two Frenchmen and some Indians
in the woods, to take the enemy on the flank. The Iro-

‘Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1618),
pp. 227, 228. He gives his dream as
real. The place where they found
the Iroquois he describes as “au
bout d’un cap qui udvance dans le
lac du costé de l’occident” (p. 228);
48° and some minutes (p. 232). Fer-
land thinks it Ticonderoga ; Laver-
diére, Crown Point.

2 Champlain’s allies did not land
or erect a barricade, “Ours also
kept all night their canoes ranged

side by side, tied to poles, so as not
to drift, and to fight all together if
need be; and we were an arrow-
shot (from the shore) towards the
(deep) water on the side of their bar.
ricades ;” Voyages (ed. 1613), p. 228,

8 Or rather danced and sang all
night: Ib., p. 229.

4 Champlain says that he and his
Frenchmen were each in a canoe of
the Montagnais, and that they landed
in the morning.

nha

ee |

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

quois were two hundred strong, all picked, determined

17

1609.

men,’ who counted surely on making short work of this ~~

handful of Algonquins and Hurons, whom they did not
suspect of having taken the field to mvet them.

They were, however, mistaken. The allies were not in-
ferior to them in numbers, but had allowed only a part of
their warriors to be seen. Both sides were as yet armed
only with arrows, and those on our side besed all their
hopes on the fire-arms of the French ; and they recom-
mended Champlain to fire at the chiefs, whom they
pointed out.? These chiefs, three in number, were dis-
tinguished by birds’ feathers or tails, of a larger size than
those worn by their soldiers; for all wear them as a gen-
eral rule, each one arranging them according to his fancy.
The Algonquins and Hurons first sallied from their in-
trenchments, and ran two hundred paces towards the
Iroquois? When they came in sight of the enemy, they
halted and divided into two bands, leaving the centre free
to Mr. de Champlain, who came forward and put himself
at their head.*

His figure and arms were something new for the Iro-
quois, whose surprise knew no bounds, when, at the first
shot of his arquebuse, in which he had put four balls, they
beheld two of their chiefs fall dead, and the third danger-
ously wounded. At this first success the allies raised loud
cries of joy, and some discharge of arrows followed—not,
however, producing any great result. Champlain was
about to load again, when, one of the two other French-
men having also brought down some Iroquois, all were

1“ Who came slowly towards us
with a gravity and assurance that
pleased me much.” —Champlain.

2 Described.

8’Champlain makes the Iroquois
come out, first (p. 229), and on the
next page says: “As soon as we
landed, they began to run some two
hundred paces,” ete.

Von, IT.—2

‘“Marching some twenty paces
ahead till I was within thirty paces
of the enemy, when they perceived
me and halted to regard me, and I
them. As I saw them moving to
fire at us, I raised my arquebuse and
aimed directly at one of the three
chiefs:” Champlain, Voyages (ed.
1613), p. 280.

They en-
guge.

Defeat of
the Iro-
quois,

July 80.

18

1609.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

thrown into disorder and thought only of flight. They

—~— were hotly pursued, several killed, and some made pris-

Cruelty of
the victors.

oners. QOn the side of the allies none were killed, and
only fifteen or sixteen wounded, who soon recovered.’
The enemy, in their flight, abandoned maize flour, which
the victors sadly needed, their provisions having entirely
failed. They began by appeasing their gnawing hunger ;
then they spent two hours dancing and singing on the
battle-field. At last they took up their hom~ ard march;
for among these tribes the victors are o. the retreat as
soon as the vanquished, and frequently in as great dis-
order and haste as if pursued by a victonous enemy.’
After eight leagues’ march, our braves halted, and tak-
ing one of their captives, reproached him with all the
cruelties which he had been guilty of to their clansmen
who had fallen into his ands, and told him he must expect
similar treatment; adding, that if he had courage, he would
show it by singing. He at once intoned his death-chant,
then his war-song, and all others that he knew, but in a
sad tone enough, says Champlain, who had yet to learn
that all Indian music has a lugubrious strain. His

execution, attended with all those horrors of which we °

shall speak hereafter, amazed the French, who in vain
used every effort to arrest it. Nevertheless, after some
time, seeing that the French commander was displeased
at their want of courtesy, they told him that if he wished
to finish the wretch and shorten his sufferings, it was his
tosay so. One shot from his arquebuse required no second
to close the scene.

As soon as the man was dead, the Indians opened
him, threw his entrails into the lake, cut off his head,

1Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1613), 2 Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1613),
p. 231. The third, wounded by p. 282. After giving the latitude of
Champlain, was apparently not a the place, he adds, “and it was
chief; und he does not say that his named Lake Champlain” (p. 282).
companions shot any, though one The Mohawk name is Caniataga-
fired: ed. 1682, p. 152, ronte.

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SRE aS a ees

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

arms, and legs, scattered his limbs on one side and an-
other, without touching the trunk, although it was the
custom to eat at least a part. They kept only the scalp,
which they put with the rest, and the heart, which they
cut into small pieces and gave to the prisoners to eat.
Among these was the dead man’s own brother, They put
it in his mouth as in the others, but he spat it out at once.’

The next night, a Montagnez having dreamed that they
were pursued, the retreat became a perfect flight, and they
no lon zer halted anywhere till they were out of all danger.
The Algonquins remained at Quebec, the Hurons returned
home, and the Montagnez to Tadoussac, where Mr. de
Champlain followed them.’ The moment they discerned
the lodges of their village, they cut long poles, on which
they tied the scalps which fell to their share, and carried
them in triumph, At the sight of this, the women ran
out, and jumping into the water, swam out to the canoes.
They then took the scalps from their husbands’ hands and
tied them around their necks. The warriors had offered
one to Champlain, and made him a present of some bows
and arrows from the Iroquois spoils, the only ones then
permitted, begging him to show them to the king on his
arrival in France, to which he had told them he was about
to sail.°

He had hoped to find a ship at Tadoussac; but there
being none there, he went up to Quebec. Pontgravé
arrived there soon after, and they embarked together in
the month of September, 1609,‘ leaving the colony under

1 All did: Champlain, Voyages
(ed. 1613), p. 234.

*The allies parted company at
Chambly Rapids—the Algonquins
and Hurons going to their own
country, and Champlain returning
with the Montagnais. The panic
took place just as the Montagnais
reached the mouth of the Sorel: Ib.,
p. 286 ; ed. 1682, p. 154.

*Tb., p.237; Sagard, Hist., p. 456

‘Champlain says nothing of not
finding a vessel at Tadoussac. He
went to meet Dupont Gravé there,
and both went to Quebec together,
put Captain Peter Chavin of Dieppe
in command, returned to Tadoussac,
sailed thence Sept. 5, and arrived at
Conquet in Brittany October 8: Voy.,
p. 238.

1609,

Reception
of the Mons
tagnez in
their vil.
lage.

Champlain
returns to
France.

20

1609,
—_———

The name
of New
France
given to
Cunada,

Cham-
plain’s sco-
ond expedi-
tion ayuinst

the lvro-

quois,

TMSTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

the orders of Pierre Chavin, a worthy man, Champlain
was well received by the king, of whom he had an audi-
ence at Fontainebleau, to render an account of the condi-
tion in which he had left New France. It was at this
time that that name was given to Canada,’ Mr. de Monts
was making his last efforts, especially with Madame de
Guercheville, to recover his privilege. He did not sue-
ceed, as I have stated: but his associates, of whom Mes-
sieurs le Gendre and Collier were the leading men, did not
abandon him; and as the settlement of Quebee had been
made in the name of their company, which always recog-
nized him as their chief, he equipped two ships, giving
command to Messiew's de Champlain and de Pontgravé,’

They embarked at Honfleur on the 7th of March, 1610,
but had seareely gone to sea, when Champlain fell sick
and had to be taken ashore. Soon after, his vessel having
been forced to put back, he was able to resume command,
He weighed anchor’ April 8, and on the 26th reached Ta-
doussac. He left it on the 28th, after assuring the Mon-
tagnez that he was come to fulfil his promise of the year
before, to accompany them again in war against the Iro-
quois. In fact, they had waited his return to take the
field; and he had scarcely reached Quebec when they

1 Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1613),
p. 2v8; but there is not a word about
New France in Champlain here, and
he gives (p. 163) a commission of
1608 in whjch the name occurs twic
Charlevoix is clearly in error, The
first use of the name known is on
the copper globe of Euphrosynus
Ulpius, belonging to Buckingham
Smith, esq., dated 1542, in which the
country is called Verrazana sive
Nova Gallia. See Historical Maga-
zine, Vi. p. 208; ix., p. 169. It ap-
pears next in Cartier’s Brief Recit
(1545), p. 46, verso: “ Hochelaga &
Canada, aultrement appellée par
nous la nouvelle France ;” and from

Mr. d’Avezac’s not noting any vari-
ance, the words must appear in all
the manuscripts of the second voy-
age. Biard (Relation de la Neu.
velle France, Queb. ed., p. 2) ascribes
the name to Verrazani. Mr, Fail-
lon (Histoire de la Colonie Frangaise,
p. 511) discusses the question, but
not with his usual felicity.

2Champlain, Voyages (ed. 16138),
pp. 239, 240. Mime. de Guercheville
is not mentioned.

3 Charlevoix’s date is correct.
Champlain says April +8, but the
context shows the error. See La-
verdiére’s Champlain, Voyages (ed.
1613), p. 208.

Sk

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—

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 21

camo in to the number of sixty warriors. The Algonquins 1609.
were also in readiness; and all immediately proceeded
towards Sorel River, where other Indians had promised to
assemble, Champlain followed close, in a bark ; but he
did not find the number of warriors that he was led to
expect.’

He learned at the same time that a party of one hundred
Troquois was not far off; and he was told that if he wished
to surprise them, there was not a moment to lose—that he
must leave his bark and embark in canoes. He consented.
Four Frenchmen followed him; the others remaining to
guard the bark. The allies had not paddled for more
than half an hour, when they sprang ashore, without a
word to the French, and leaving their canoes unguarded,
began to run at full speed through the woods. Champlain
was greatly embarrassed. He soon lost sight of the In-
dians, who had not even given him a guide. He had to
march through a swampy tract, where he went into the
water at every step. Mosquitos and other like insects
blinded him and darkened the air, and there was no beaten
path, After running some time at hazard, fearing every
moment to lose the way, he knew net what course to take,
when he perceived an Indian moving in the same direc-
tion. He called him and begged him to be his guide.

Some moments after, an Algonquin chief came to beg The Iro-

. . : ’ quois are ate
him to quicken his steps, as they were engaging the Iro- © tucked.

quois. He redoubled his speed, and ere long heard the alety Bee
cries of the combatants, Our allies had found the enemy
in quite a good intrenchment, and in attempting to force
it had been repulsed, with loss. They recovered courage
at the sight of the French, and returned to the charge as
soon as they came up. The combat became very furious,
and Champlain on arriving was struck by an arrow, which
pierced the tip of his ear and entered his neck. This wound

‘Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1613), Sorel with the Montagnais alone,
pp. 241-8. Champlain went tothe and met the Algonquins there.

22

1610,
—_——

The Iro-
qiiois are
attacked,
Their good
defence,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

did not, however, prevent his firing, as long as his powder
and balls lasted ; and his own men supported him well,
although one of them was wounded in the arn.,

The Iroquois, who were not yet accustomed to defend
themselves against fire-arms, began to slacken their vol-
leys, and sought to cover themselves from the arquebuses,
which had brought several down; but our men, who had
not counted on so long a resistance, soon ran out of am-
munition, Then Champlain proposed to the allies to
assault the intrenchment, As they relished the advice, he
put himself at their head, with his four Frenchmen, and in
spite of the vigorous defence of the besieged, they soon
made a pretty wide breach, At this juncture, a young
man of St. Malo, named des Prairies, whom Champlain
had left in his bark, came up with five or six of his com-
rades. This timely re-enforeement enabled the assailants
to withdraw a little to rest, while the new-comers kept up
a fire on the enemy.

The Indians soon renewed the assault, and the French
placed themselves on their wings to support them. The
Troquois could not stand so many redoubled blows,
Almost all were killed or taken, Some, in endeavoring to
reach the bank of the river, were thrown in and drowned.
The affair being completely ended, another party of
French came up, who wished to console themselves for
having had no s).are in the victory by sharing the booty.
They seized the .caver-skins that covered the Iroquois
whom they saw stretched on the ground, and the Indians
were shocked at it.’ The latter, on their part, began to
wreak their usual cruelties on the prisoners, and devoured
one of those who had been killed, which horrified the
French. Thus these savages gloried in a disinterested-
ness which they were surprised not to find in our nation,

1 Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1613), for taking things from “des morts
pp. 249-54. He does not say the In- plains de sang, que les sauvages ne
dians were shocked, but that they vouloiét prédre la peine de despou-
ridiculed (se moquoiét) the French iller.”

te

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

and could not see that there is much less wrong in strip-
ping the dead than in feeding on their flesh like wild
beasts, and violating all the laws of humanity by delight-
ing to torment in the most unworthy manner enemies no
longer able to defend themselves.

Champlain asked them for one of their prisoners, and
they gave one with a good grace.’ He also induced the
Hurons, who were going back to their own country, to
take a Frenchman along, so that he might learn their
language ; but it was on condition that he should take to
France a young Huron, to bring them back tidings of a
kingdom of which so many marvels had been told them,
He really took one over the same year,’ bringing him back
the next spring. He conducted him to Montreal, where
he chose a place for a settlement which he designed estab-
lishing,’ but which he did not begin, being obliged to
return to France, where the king’s death had completely
ruined Mr. de Monts.

That gentlez.an, by losing his master, lost all his re-
maining credit, and was no longer in a condition to under-
take any thing. He exhorted Champlain, who had never
forsaken him, not to lose courage, and to seek some

1 Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1613),
p. 256 ; ed, 1632, pp, 156-64,

*This Indian he subsequently
called Saignon; Champlain, Voy-
ages (ed. 1613), p. 288; Lescarbot,
liv. v.,¢.5. Champlain, hearing of
the death of Henry IV, and troubles
in France, sailed from Quebec, Aug.
8, leaving dy Pare in command at
Quebee, and reached Honfleur, Sept.
27,1610: Voyages (1613), pp. 261-
70; Laverdiére, p, 229. On Dee. 29
he signed, at Paris, a contract of
marriage with Helen Boullé, daugh-
ter of Nicholas Boull¢, seerctary of
the king’s chamber—his betrothed
being then only twelve years old:
Chronique de l’ordre des Ursulines ;
Laverdictre’s Champlain, p. 245. He

sailed again from Honfleur, March 1,
1611 (Voyag,, ed. 1618, p. 271); Laver-
diére’s ed, p, 231), and after a voy-
age of great danger from icebergs,
reached Tadoussac, May 18 (ib., 282),
and by the 28th was at Saut St.
Louis (ib., 285 ; Laverdiére’s ed., p.
244; ed. 1632, p. 167).

* Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1618),
pp. 285-7, On this occasion he named
St. Helen’s Island, apparently in
honor of his wife; and after meet-
ing several bands of Western In-
dians, returned to ‘Tadoussac and
embarked for France, Aug. 11 (ib.,
p. 813), and reached Rochelle, Sept.
10, 1611 (ib., p. 314; Laverditre, p,
205; ed. 1632, p. 181),

1610,

1611.

The Count
de Soissons
puts him-
self at the
head of Ca-
nadian af-

fuirs.

24

1612-13.

Tho Princo
de Condé
Buccecds

hin.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

powerful protector for his young colony. Yielding to his
counsel, Champlain applicd to Charles de Bourbon,
Comte de Soissons, who received him very favorably,
accepted the proposal made to him to become the Father
of New France, obtained from the queen-regent all author-
ity necessary to maintain and advance what had been
already done, and appointed Champlain himself his lieu-
tenant, with full, unrestricted power.’

The death of this prince, soon after, did not disturb
affairs in America, as the Prince de Condé accepted the
position and retained Champlain in the office with which
the Count de Soissons had honored him.’ Champlain
had, however, some trouble, caused by difficulties made by
the St. Malo merchants in regard to trade; and this kept
him in France all the year 1612. He sailed again on the
6th March, 1613, in a vessel commanded by Pontgravé,
just returned from Acadia, and they anchored before Que-
bec on the 7th of May. They found the settlement in such
good condition, that deeming their presence unnecessary,
they ascended to Montreal.* After some stay there, Pont-
gravé descended to Quebec, and Champlain made an ex-
cursion on the great river of the Ottawas (Outaouais) ;*

BRD

1 Commission, October 15, 1612.
Champlain, Voyages (ed. 16382), p.
228. In it the Count de Soissons
styles himself lieutenant-general in
the country of New France.—Charle-
voix, Champlain (ed. 1613), Quatri-
éme Voyage, p. 67; ed. 1682, p. 209.
The date of the patent of viceroy to
Charles de Bourbon, Count de Sois-
sons, peer and grand master of
France, is Oct. 8, 1612. Moreau de
St. Mery, Lois et Constitutions des
Colonies Francaise, Memoires de la
Société Hist. de Montreal, p. 105;
Laverdiére’s Champlain, Voyages
(ed. 1618), p. 285. He died, Nov. 1,
1612, aged forty-seven.

2 Henry de Bourbon II., Prince de
Condé, first prince of the blood, peer

and grand master of France, was
made viceroy, Nov. 20, 1612. He was
arrested in 1616. Henry was the
father of the great Condé. Cham-
plain, Quatri¢éme Voyage, pp. 7, 8.
Champlain’s new commission is dated
Noy. 22, 1612.

2 Quat. Voyage, pp. 9-12; Laver-
diére, p. 287.

‘ Laverdiére, pp. 18-83. He went
as far as the Algonquins de I'Isle,
commanded by Tessouat, at the pres-
ent Ile des Allumettes. Ferland,
Cours d'Histoire, p. 164; Laverdi-
ére’s Champlain (1618), p. 807. He
made the excursion, deceived by
Nicholas de Vignau, who pretended
to have seen the North Sea. Qua-
tritme Voyage, p. 15.

M:
%
4
A
z

S
i
i

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE, 25 aa

after which he rejoined Pontgravé, with whom he em- 1614-15.
barked for St. Malo, anchoring there in the latter days of “~~~
August.’

He there concluded a new agreement of association The Reeol-
with merchants of that town, Rouen, and Rochelle. The aE Quebe,
prince, who had assumed the title of viceroy of New
France, approved it, obtained a royal patent for the asso-
ciates, and gave it his confirmation. Mr. de Champlain
then, feeling no doubt but that a colony in which so many
wealthy men had become interested, and which had at its
head the first prince of the blood, would soon assume a
solid form in the material order, thought seriously of giv-
ing it spiritual succor, of which it had been hitherto
entirely destitute. He asked and obtained four Recollects,’
whom his company joyfully agreed to supply with all
necessaries, and he undertook in person to carry them to
Canada. They arrived on the 25th of March’ at Tadous-
sac ; but without stopping there, landed a few days later at
Quebec, whence Mr. de Champlain ascended immediately
to Montreal.‘

There he found Hurons, with some of their allies, who
drew him into a third expedition against the Iroquois.’ It

' He docs not mention Pontgravé,

He embarked near Saut St. Louis,
June 27, in the ship of de Maison-
neuve, and reached St. Malo, Aug.
26: Ib., p.51; Laverdiére’s ed., p.822,

2 Champlain, Voyages, ete., depuis
1615, jusqu’i la fin de 1618 (Paris,
1619), p. 7; Laverditre’s Champlain
(1619), p. 4; Sagard, Histoire du
Canada, p.11. Champlain says that
he applied for them. Sagard omits
all allusion to Champlain in the mat-
ter. These first missionaries were
Father Denis Jamay, commissary ;
Fathers John d’Olbeau and Joseph
le Caron, with Brother Pacificus du
Plessis: Ib; Le Clereq, Etablisse-
ment de la Foi, i, p. 6. The facul-
ties granted by the nuncio, Guy Ben-

tivoglio, in the name of Pope Paul
V., March 20, 1618, and the king’s
permission, are in Sagard, pp. 12, 18,
Le Clercq, i., pp. 37, 44.

3 They left Honfleur, April 24, and
arrived May 25, 1615: Canada Doc.,
serics 2, v.i, p. 2; Sagard, Hist. du
Canada, pp. 12,36 ; Le Clercq, v.i., p.
56. Champlain (Voyages, etc., 1619)
hes August for April. :

4 Champlain did not go up in the
first boats, but stopped at Quebec:
Voyages (ed. 1619), p. 10. Father le
Caron went up ahead to Riviere des
Prairies, and said the first Mass
offered in Canada, June 24: Laver.
diére’s Champlain (1619), p. 11.

¢* The Sieur du Pont and I con.
sidered that it was very necessary to

26

1615.
—_—os—

Cham-
plain’sthird
expedition
against the

lroquois,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

is evident that by this compliance he took the true course
to gain the friendship of the Indians, and know widely a
country where they were about to establish a trade useful
to France, and Christianity among a great number of idol-
atrous tribes ; but he exposed himself greatly, and did
not reflect that this easy condescension to all the wishes
of these savages was no way to secure the respect due to
the rank with which he was invested. He had, too, duties
more important, than thus like a knight-errant trav-
ersing forests and lakes with Indians, who did not even
maintain courtesy towards him, and by whom he was in
no position to make himself feared. He might easily
have sent in his stead some Frenchman capable of care-
fully observing every thing; while his own presence at
Quebec would have much more advanced the colony, and
given it a solidity which he too late repented not having
secured to it.

This was not all. Seeing himself obliged to go down to
Quebec, he asked the Indians to delay their departure till
his return, which would be speedy ; but they, forgetting
their promise to him not to start without him, soon
wearied of waiting, and set out with some Frenchmen’ who
had remained at Montreal, and the Recollect, Father
Joseph le Caron.’ This religious wished to avail himself
of the opportunity to adapt himself to the mode of life of
these nations, to whom he purposed announcing Jesus
Christ, and to learn their language more promptly, by
putting himself in the necessity of speaking it. Mr. de

assist them, both to oblige them more
to love us and to facilitate my enter-
prises and discoveries, which to ap-
pearance could not be made but by
their means, and also that this would
be a road and preparation to come
to Christianity :” Voyages, pp. 13,
14. Laverdiére’s edition (p. 14) de-
fends Champlain against Charlevoix
and Faillon.

1 Sagard, Histoire du Canada, p.
27. Champlain (Voyages, ed. 1619,
p. 16) regrets the departure of the
twelve Frenchmen, as only four or
five could handle fire-arms; and in
such enterprises, “the best are not
too good.”

2 Le Clercq, Etablissement de la
Foi, vol. i., pp. 72-7; Sagard, Gis-
toire du Canada, p. 27.

Ze

teen RSE BRS

TE ses a anon eh ated

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

27

Champlain, with whom he had come to Montreal, had not 1615.
Pio : ‘ approved his design; but Father le Caron’s zeal blinded —~—

ful ; him to all other considerations.’
ol- : Mr. de Champlain might have considered himself re- How to act
did leased from his engagement; and his experience should be
hes have taught him, that to secure the esteem of these bar-
to barians, it is good not to allow them to despise us with
ies impunity. You must even, outwardly, give contempt for
aN contempt, if you would repress their insolence. They do
gs not understand acting otherwise from virtuous motives—I
Rea i mean such as are not enlightened by the truths of the
ily ‘ gospel. As they often see Europeans act solely from
vee interest or still more censurable motives, it seldom occurs
at to them that any consideration can be entertained for
nd them from more noble views. Moreover, there are no men
Ing in the world more prejudiced in their favor, or capable of
profiting by every thing to be confirmed in this good
to opinion which they have of themselves. The only thing,
till then, that can here excuse Mr. de Champlain for running
Ing after the Hurons, who did not deign to wait for him, is to
On say, that he did it apparently not to abandon to their dis-
ho ' cretion a religious whom his zeal rather than his prudence
her ; had induced to follow them.
self ; Be that as it may, he embarked with two Frenchmen Champlain
of , and ten Indians, whom he found on arriving at, Montreal ;? 8, Wounded
sus

but using all diligence, he overtook the Hurons only at * "red te
by their village.’ He found them forming a large war-party,
of which they offered him the command ; and he accepted it
the more readily, as, besides the two Frenchmen who had

~
6
sie oe Bae gh crsrat sas Sia ign eal ie igen TenpeRe es

—
ro
a
cy
iT ato

Jn come with him, Father Joseph had brought ten‘ others,

319, pat A Seer ss

the

Or ‘Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1619), p. the bear tribe), as Champlain here
11, verso, 12; Laverdiére’s ed., p. calls them, which he reached was

not g 18; Le Clercq, Etablissement de la Ototiacha—probably Toanche (La-
Foi, i., p. 72. verdiére, p. 26)—where he arrived,

Ia * July 9, 1615: Voyages (ed. 1619), August 1, by the way of the Ottawa
p. 17. and Lake Nipissing: Ib. p. 24,

i

* The first village of the Hurons, verso.
or Attigouautan (Attignaouantan, ‘Twelve: Laverdiére’s Cham-

CG Ee

28

1615.
—_——

Champlain
in New
York.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

who awaited him. Without delay they marched on the
enemy,’ who were so intrenched that it was not easy to
approach them. Besides occupying a kind of fort, quite
well constructed, they had obstructed the approaches by
great abatis of trees, and had raised galleries around from
which they could fire down on an enemy without exposing
themselves. Accordingly, the first attack succeeded so ill,

that it was not deemed expedient to try a second.’

They next attempted to set fire to the abatis of wood, in
hope that the flames would reach the fort; but the be-
sieged had provided for this by laying in a great supply of

water.

A machine was then prepared higher than the

alleries, on which the French arquebusiers were stationed.
?

plain (1619), p. 19. The Hnrons as-
sembled their forces at Cahiagué, a
palisaded town (p. 26).

! They crossed the Severn near its
mouth, went up Lake Simcoe and
Talbot River, and thence by a port-
age passed to Balsam Lake, and de-
scended the chain of lakes and the
Otonabee and Trent to Quinté Bay,
where they reached Lake Ontario
(Lac des Entouohonorons), in view of
the Thousand Isles, Compare Fer-
land, Cours @’Hist.,i., p. 174; Cham-
plain, pp. 31-5 ; Parkman, Pioneers
of France ; Langton in Trans. Lit.
and Hist. Soc. Quebec, new series,
part ii, p. 68. They crossed the

lake, a distance of fourteen leagues,.

and then concealing their canoes,
marched twenty-five or thirty leagues
inland.

?'The Entouohonorons were in a
town with four palisades. Cham-
plain describes his attack, the mak-
ing of a cavalier, his own wounds,
and the misconduct of the Hurons:
Voyages (ed. 1619), pp. 87-47. The
siege lasted from Oct. 10 to Oct. 17.
See N. Y. Doc. History, p. 111, for a
translation of Champlain’s narrative,
his map, and view of the Entwoho-.

noron town. Historians differ as
to their identity. Mr. Ferland (p.
174), Laverdiére (Champlain, 1619,
p. 83), and Parkman (Pioneers, p.
375), suppose them to be the Sen-
ecas ; but the Chowontouaroiion (evi-
dently Chonontouaronon), a tribe ly-
ing between the Hurons and Entwo-
honorons (Champlain, Voyages, 1619,
p. 80), are more probably the Sonon-
touaronon or Senecas , and it is hard-
ly safe to identify the Senecas with
the Entwohonorons, as the first step
in locating the town. The Entwo-
honoron had been compelled to re-
move some forty or fifty leagues (p.
79), and are perhaps the Wenroronon
subsequently driven by the Iroquois
across into Canada. Marshall, fol-
lowed by Brodhead and Clark, makes
the town near Lake Onondaga;
O’Callaghan and Parkman, Lake
Canandaigua. Sagard, unfortunate-
ly, had not access to papers to give
le Caron’s account of this wintering
with the Hurons, and he seldom al-
ludes to Champlain. In his diction-
ary (Verbo Nations) he has Les Yro-
quois, Sontouhoironon, Aguicrho-
non, Onontagueronon, but does not
alluds to the Entouohonoron.

-

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a
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evrtaeiia

Rao

dee eat Asie Tekh Stoke

ity

Atty

=_

ws

Sek SR ies Sabin ets

Ricsiiaaieuierea ay ta

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

This manwuvre disconcerted the enemy somewhat, and

29

1615.

they would perhaps have succeeded in reducing them, had =~”
) } 8

the Hurons done their duty; but their great number had
rendered them so presumptuous, that it was never pos-
sible for the commander to make them fight in order.
Moreover, he was severely wounded in the leg and knee ;
and this accident having made the Indians pass from an
excess of presumption to discouragement, they had to
retire with loss and shame.

The retreat was quite well made, and although they 10 is oblig-

were pursued, not a man was lost. The youngest and
bravest had placed the weakest and the wounded in the
middle, the latter carried in basket. ; and in this way they
wade twenty-five leagues without stopping.’ Mr. de
Champlain was soon cured ; but when he wished to start
back to Quebec, he could never obtain a guide, as he had
been promised, and with whom he could not at all dis-
pense. The Hurons even added insolence to their refusal.’
He had therefore to make up his mind to winter with these
savages ; but no one was better able to adopt his own
course or turn all to account. He visited all the Huron
towns, and some of those which the Algonquins then had
in the neighborhood of Lake Nipissing. He reconciled
some neighboring nations with the Hurons; and as soon
s the rivers were navigable, learning that they wished
him to engage in a new expedition against the Iroquois,
he gained some Indians whom he had attracted by his
kind manners, and embarking secretly with them and
Father Joseph, arrived at Quebec, July 11, 1616,’ where
all had given him and the Recollect Father up for dead.
While Mr. de Champlain had been engaged in his excur-
sions to learn the condition of the country, Father Joseph

‘Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1619), July 9: Canada Doc., ii., pp. 1, 3.
p. 47. Sagard (Histoire da Canada, p. 31)
2Ib,, p. 48. says le Caron left the Huron village,
§ Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1619), May 20, but does not mention Cham-
p. 115. The Recollect Memorial says plain.

ed to winter

with the
Hurons,

80 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1617. had also gone from village to village to lay the plan of the
—~—" missions which he proposed to establish among the
Hurons, and he bad turned every moment to profit in
studving the language. But he had no time to meke great
progress, this study not being a matter of one or two

years, give it what application you will.’
A Recollect Mr. de Champlain and Father Joseph did not remain
es pel over a month at Quebec after their return. They em-
Getothe barked,’ with the Superior of the Mission, to return to
colony: France, and there remained in the colony only one priest,
Father John d’Olbeau, and Brother Pacificus Duplessys,
who had been appointed to instruct the children of the
French and Indians recently settled at Three Rivers, and
where he rendered, the next year, a still more essential
service to New France. Our allies, by I know not what
discontent, had plotted to make away with the French. It
seems evident, however, that they came to this resolve
only in their fear that Mr. de Champlain, just returned
from France,’
death of two settlers' whom they had murdered, perhaps
torob. The fact is, that they assembled at Three Rivers,
to the numbev of eight hundred,’ to deliberate on the
means of cutting off all the French at once; that Brother

Pacificus was warned of their design by one of them ; that

would take summary vengeance for the

he gained several others; that he gradually brought all
the rest to take steps towards a perfect reconciliation, and
that he undertook to negotiate with the commandant.

+
BS

1 As to le Carc1’s Huron mission,
see Sagard, Histoire du Canada, pp.
27-30, brietly, and le Clereq, Etb-
lissement, i, pp. 72-88. Le Caron
returned in March, 1617, and cele-
brated the first marriage with the
usual ceremonies; the parties being
Stephen Jonquest and Anne Hebert :
Sagard, p. 41.

2 July 20. They reached Honfleur,
Sept. 10, 1616: Champlain, Voyages,
1615-8 (ed. 1619), p. 178; Sagard,

Histoire du Canada, p. 31 ; Le Clercq,
Etablissement, i., p. 100.

3 Champlain sailed from Hunfleur,
May 24, 1618 (p. 122), and reached
Quebec, June 27 (p. 138).

4 A locksmith and Charles Pillet,
killed in April, 1617. The lock-
smith had beaten an Indian, who
killed him and his companion in e-
venge.

5 Sagard, Hist. du Canada, p. 42.
He gives no date to the Indian plot.

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HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

Meanwhile, Mr. de Champlain insisted on having the mur-
derers of the two Frenchmen. They sent him one, and he
the least guilty, with much furs to cover the dead.’ They
had to accept this kind of satisfaction: the thing was
arranged, and the Indians gave two of their chiefs as
hostages.’

Champlain did nothing scarcely but go and come be-
tween Quebec and France,* to obtain supplies, which were
seldom furnished to the extent he called for. The court
took no interest in New France, leaving it in the hands of
individuals of limited views, with no other object but
trade, who sought only to fill their stores with furs, cared
very little for all else, making but reluctantly advances for
settlements in a colony in which they took no interest, and
seldom making them in season.’ The prince thought he
did much in lending his name ; and besides the troubles of
the regency, which then cost him his liberty, and the in-
trigues set on foot to deprive him of his title of viceroy’
and annul the commission of Marshal de Thémines—to
whom he had confided Canada during his imprisonment,’
—the want of concert among the associates, the commer-
cial jealousy which embroiled the merchants with one
another,—all these often threatened to smother the young

That is to say, indemnify the 382; Le Clercq, Etablissement de la

relatives.—Charlevoiz. As to this
transaction, see Champlain (ed. 1619),
pp. 128-87; Sagard, Histoire, pp.
42-5.

2 Two boys, Nigamon and Tebachi,
were given: Le Clercq, Etablisse-
ment, i., p. 122; Champlain, p. 137.

8 He sailed from Quebec, July 26,
1618, and reached Honfleur, 28th
August: Voyages 1615-8, pp. 157,
158. The Recollects Paul and Pa-
cificus accompanied them : Ib. ; Sa-
gard, Histoire, p. 49.

“Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1682),
p. 110; Le Clercq, Etablissement de
la Foi, i., pp. 108-11.

6 Sagard, Histoire du Canada, p.

Foi, i., pp. 96, 169-71; Champiain,
Voyages (ed. 1632), pp. 217, 218.

6 The Prince de Condé was arrest-
ed by Thémines, at the Louvre, in
September, 1616, and confined three
years at Vincennes. Thémines was
made marshal of France.

7 Marshal Pons de Lausiére-Thé-
mines-Cardaillac. He obtained the
rank of kings lieutenant in New
France from the ’ 1een regent. He
died governor of Brittany, Nov. 1,
1627, aged seventy-four, Champlain
explains how Thémines came to ob-
tain the position, and he considered
it as held only during Condé’s im-
prisonment.

The colony
is greatl
neglected,

82

1620, 1.
—_——

Marshal de
Montmo-
renci Vice-
roy, of New
rance,

The Iro-
uois un-
ertuke to

destroy the
French co-
lony.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

colony in its cradle.’ And we cannot too greatly admire
the courage of Mr. de Champlain, who could not take a
step without meeting fresh obstacles, who expended his
own energies without ever dreaming of seeking any real
personal advantage, and who never renounced an enter-
prise for which he had constantly to endure the caprices
of some and the opposition of others.

In 1620 the prince, for eleven thousand crowns, trans-
ferred his viceregalty to his brother-in-law, the Marshal de
Montmorenci.? The new viceroy retained Champlain as
lieutenant, and confided the management of the colonia!
affairs in France to Mr. Dolu, the grand audiencier, whose
zeal and probity he knew. Then Champlain, satisfied
that New France was about to assume another aspect,
took out his family. He arrived in the month of May,’
and found at Tadoussac Rochelle traders, who, to the
damage of the company and against the express orders of
the king, were trading with the Indians. They had even
done worse, for they had sold these savages fire-arms, a
thing previously wisely avoided.

The next year the Iroquois appeared in arms in the
very centre of the colony. These savages, fearing that
should the French multiply in the country, the Hurons
and Algonquins by their aid would regain their superiority
over the league, resolved to free themselves of the French

before they had time to fortify themselves more strongly..

They accordingly raised three large parties to attack us
separately. The first marched towards Sault St. Louis,
where they found some Frenchmen guarding the passage.

* They had been warned, and though few in number, with

the help of some Indian allies, they repulsed the enemy.

' Advis au Roy sur les Affaires de
la Nouvelle France, p. 7.

2 The Duke de Montmorency held
the position till 1624. He joined
Gaston in his revolt against Louis
XIII, was taken at the battle of Cas-
telnaudary, and executed, Oct. 30,
1682.

’ Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1682),
part ii, p. 1.

*Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1682),
part ii., p. 2. The Recollect convent
at Quebec was founded this year
(1620), June 38, and dedicated to Our
Lady of the Angels: Memorial, p. 4;
Sarard, Hist., p. 56. But see p. 50.

'
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5
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HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

Several Iroquois were killed ; some remained prisoners ;
the rest escaped. Our men, however, learning that these
fugitives were carrying off the Recollect Father, William
Poulain, gave chase. Unable to overtake them, they re-
leased one of their prisoners, giving him his liberty, and
charging him to propose the exchange of the missionary
for one of their chiefs. This man arrived at the moment
wheu all preparations were made to burn the religious.
The proposition which he bore was accepted, and the ex-
change made in good faith.’

The second com) embarked in thirty canoes, ap-
proached Quebe: 4 proceeded to invest the Recollect
convent on the St. Charles River, where there was a little
fort. Not daring to attack this place, they fell on some
Hurons not far off, surprised several, and burnt them.
They then ravaged the neighborhood of the convent and
retired.’ The memoir from which I draw this does not
say what became of the third party, but it adds that the
Troquois had sufficiently declared their intention to exter-
minate all the French. Mr. de Champlain was far from
having sufficient strength to repress these savages. Hence
he deemed it his duty to lay before the king and the Duke

‘*, Montmorenci the necessity of relieving the colony, and

the disregard shown to that time by the company of his
repeated instances to induce them to fulfil their obliga-
tions. He accordingly, with the consent of the most not-
able inhabitants, deputed Father George le Baillif to his
majesty, to whom that religious was personally known.
He was very well received by the king, and obtained all
he asked.’ The company was suppressed, and two private
individuals, William de Caen and his nephew, Emeric de
Caen, entered on all their rights."

‘Le Clercq, Etablissement de la ’ Sagard, Histoire du Canada, p,
Foi, i., p. 206. The event belongs 72; Le Clercq, Etablissement, i, p.
evidently to 1622. Sagard makes 179. Both give the address, dated
no allusion to the circumstance, but August 18, 1621, with the letter to
notes Poulain’s arrival in 1619 (p. 49). the king.

2Tb., p. 209. ‘This new company, called the

Vou. II. —3

1622,

The Gauada
Company is
suppressed,

rd

34

1623-25.

TUSTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

Mr. de Champlain learned the fact by a letter of the

—Y—” viceroy, who enjoined him to sustain these merchants

State of
Quebec.

It is forti-
fled.

duly.’ He at the same time received a letter from the
king himself, by which his majesty assured him that he
was well satisfied with his services, and exhorted him to
give continued proofs of his fidelity.’ This favor did not
increase his fortune—and it may in truth be said that this
was what least occupied his mind—but it gave him an
authority needed more than ever then, especially on
account of differences arising daily between the factors of
the old company and those of the Sicurs de Caen, and
which might lead to unpleasant results. With all the
efforts made to people Quebec, it could number in 1622
only fifty souls, including women and children.’ Commerce
was not very open; but a successful trade was always
carried on at Tadoussac, and another had been opened at
Three Rivers, twenty-five leagues above Quebec.

William de Caen came to the spot himself, and although
a Calvinist, he lived quite well with all. He had confided
the direction of his affairs to the Sieur de Pontgravé, but
that director’s health obliged him to return to France in
1623.4 This was a real loss to New France, which owes
much to him. The same year, Mr. de Champlain was
warned, on good authority, that the Hurons were thinking
of abandoning our alliance and joining the Iroquois.’

Montmorency company, consisted of *Sagard says (Histoire, p. 166):
William and Ezechiel de Caen and “ All things considered, all the build-

William Robin, merchants ; Francis
de Troyes, president of the treas-
urers of France at Orleans ; Jacques
de Troyes, merchant; Claude le
Ragois, Arnould de Nouveau, Pierre
de Verton, and Francis Hervé: Fer-
land, Cours d’Histoire, i., p. 200.
1This was done in 1621; Mont-
morency to Champlain, Feb, 2, 1621,
in Champlain (ed. 1682), part ii, p. 8,
and le Clercq, Etablissement de la
Foi, i., p. 172.
2 Champlain (ed. 1632), part ii., p. 8.

ings of New France consisted of the
little fort, the merchants’ house,
Widow Hebert’s house, and our little
convent.” Champlain (Voyages, ed.
1632, p. 76) says that when he left
Quebec, in 1624, it had only fifty-one
inhabitants.

‘Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1682),
part ii., p. 62.

® Champlain (ib., p. 54) speaks of a
plot to cut the French off, Le Clereq
(Etab., i., p. 247) speaks of fears that
the Hurons would join the Iroquois.

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HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

This obliged him to send back to them Father Joseph le
Caron, whom Father Nicholas Viel and Brother Gabriel
Saghart,’ who had just arrived from France, chose to
accompany. The next year the commandant built the
fort of Quebee with stone.’ He apparently designed to
put an end to his travels, and devote himself entirely to
the government of his colony; but he had scarcely fin-
ished the fort, when he returned to France with his
family.’ He found the Marshal de Montmorenci negoti-
ating a sale of his viceroyalty to his nephew, Henry
de Levi, duke de Ventadour,' and « bargain was soon
struck.

This gentleman had retired from court, and had even
taken holy orders. It was not to plunge anew into
worldly turmoil that he took the direction of the affairs of
New France, but to effect the conversion of the Indians ;
and as his spirit1al directors were Jesuits, he looked to
them to carry out his project. He laid the matter before
the king in council; and his majesty assented the more
willingly, as the Recollect Fathers, far from opposing it,
had first opened the matter to the Duke de Ventadour.
All then concurring to the same end, Father Charles Lal-
lemant, who had accompanied Mr. de la Saussaye to
Pentagéet ; Father Enemond Masse, of whom we have al-

’ Brother Gabriel Sagard Théodat
is the historian, author of the His-
toire du Canada (Paris, 1636, 1865),
and the Grand Voyage du Pais des
Hurons (Paris, 1632, 1865), He left
Paris with Father Viel, March 18,
1624 (Grand Voyage, p. 6; Histoire,
p. 113), and reached Quebec, June
28 (Champlain, Voyages, 1682, p. 54).
He mentions their ¢« parture without

. assigning the caus here given by

Charlevoix (Grand Voyage, p. 41;
Histoire, pp. 158, 174.)

* He collected materials and began
the work : Voyages (ed. 1682), p. 75.

8s Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1682),
pp..75, 76. He left Quebec, Aug. 15,
and reached Dieppe, Oct.1. Emery
de Caen was left in command.

‘Champlain, Voyages (ed, 1682),
pp. 77,78; Sagard, Histoire, p. 862.
The Duke de Ventadour obtained his
patent, March, 1625 (Champ,, 1632, p.
78), and held the viceroyalty till June,
1627, when he resigned; Memoires
de la Soc. Hist. de Montreal, p. 107.
Montmorenci left his name to a fall
and Levi to a point near Quevec.

® Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
p.5; Lalemant, Relation (1625), p. 5;

1623-25.
—_—\~

The Duke
de Venta-
dour vice-

roy of New
France,

36

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

1623-25. brothers, were assigned to the Canada mission, and in

—_—

Five Jeanita
arrive in Ca-
nada,

Tragical

death ofa
Recollect
Father.

1625 were ready to sail.

William de Caen took them to Quebec, and with them
the Recollect Father Joseph de Daillon, of the illus-
trious house of da Lude.! He gave his word to the
Duke de Ventadour that the Jesuits should want for
nothing ; yet as soon as they landed he told them, that if
the Recollect Fathers would not receive and lodge them
in their house, there was no alternative but to return to
France. They even perceived, ere long, that pains
had been taken to prejudice the inhabitants of Quebec
against them, by circulating among them the most violent
things published by the Calvinists of France against their
society. But their presence soon effaced all these preju-
dices, the libels were publicly burned, and the new mis-
sionaries were not long a burden to the Recollects, who
had obliged them to accept their house, then less than a
quarter of a league from the town, on the St. Charles
River.’

A few days after their arrival, Fathers de Daiiicn and
de Brebeuf embarked for Three Rivers, where they met
Hurons who offered to take them to their country. The
two missionaries had left Quebec solely with this view,
and were preparing to avail themselves of the oppor-
tunity offered, when news came that caused them to re-
trace their steps.* Father Nicholas Viel, the Recollect,
after spending nearly two years among the Hurons, desired
to make a visit to Quebec, in order to spend some time in
retirement there. Some Indians, preparing to make the

Le Clercq, Etablissement de la Foi, 2 The site is now occupied by the
i., pp. 297-304. general hospital—Chal, Ferland,
‘Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1632), Cours d’Histoire du Canada, i., p. 188.

p. 84; Sagard, Histoire du Canada,
p. 862; Lalemant, Relation de la
Nouvelle France (1625), p. 5. The

Recollect’s name is given by Sagard, ~

Joseph de la Roche Daillon (p. 564) ;
by le Clereq (Etablissement, i., p.
804), Joseph de la Roche d’Allion.

Le Clereq (i., p. 811) says the Jesuits
remained in that house two years—
Parts of 1625-6, apparently,

3 Sagard, Histoire du Canada, p.
868; Lalemant, Relation (1625), p.
5; Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,

p. 6.

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HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

same voyage, offered him a place in their canoe, which he
accepted, Instead of taking the ordinary route, they fol-
lowed the channel which separates Montreal Island and
Isle Jésus, and which is commonly called Riviére des
Prairies. Midway in this channel is a rapid; but the
Indians, instead of landing and making what is called a
portage, endeavored to shoot it with their canoe, Whether
they did it unskilfully or intentionally, the canoe capsized.
Father Viel and a young convert who accompanied him
were drowned, From this accident the rapid received the
name of Sault au Recollect (the Recollect’s Rapid), which
it still retains. As all the Hurons escaped, and had, it
was said, seemed ill-disposed towards the missionary,
there were strong suspicions that the capsizing was not
accidental; the more so as the savages seized the best part
of the good Father’s baggage. Be that as it may, there
was no one at Three Rivers who was not of opinion that
Fathers de Daillon and de Brebeuf should postpone their
voyage for a time.’

The next year, tnree Jesuits, Fathers Philibert Noyrot,
Anne de Noue, and a brother, arrived at Quebee on a
small vessel which they had chartered, and on which they
brought over some mechanics.” By this help Quebec
assuined the form of a town; for till then it was a mere

' Sagard (Ilistoire du Canada, pp.
806,874) mentions the death of Father
Viel incidentally, but gives no de-
tails. Father Lalemant does the
same ina letter, July 28, 1625; Sa
gard, Histoire du Canada, p. 868 ;
Le Clereq, Etablissement, i., p. 312.
(Le Clereq gives more detail, i, p.821);
Le Jeune, Relation (163-4), p. 92.

*They brought over, in 1626,
twenty mechanics, with provisions,
charicring a vessel of eighty tons
for three thousand five hundred
livres: Champlain, Voyages (ed.
1632), p. 86. Noyrot returned almost
immediately: Lalemant, Letter of
August 1, 1626, in Carayon, Doc-

Inéd., xii, p. 120; Creuxius, Hist,
Canad., p. 8. Champlain sailed from
France, April 20, 1626, with the
Recollect le Caron (ib., p. 86). He
found that absolutely nothing had
been dene in his absence. He im-
mediately set to work. In 1627,
Fathers de Brebeuf, de Noue, and de
la Roche went to the Hurons: Sa-
gard, Histoire du Canada, p. 874;
Lalemant, Relation (1626), p.8 ; Let-
ter of August 1, 1626. The last
named penetrated to the Attiwan-
daronk or Neuters, a tribe lying
on both sides of the Niagara, See
his interesting letter: Sagard, His-
toire, p. 880 ; Le Clercq, i., p. 346.

1626,

The Jesuita
meet great
opposition
in Canada.

33

1627,
—_—o

Wretched
state of the
colony.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

habitation, and not called by any other name.’ The ex-
perience and talent of Father Enemond Masse for a new
settlement—of which, according to the memoirs of Cham-
plain and Lescarbot, he had given marked proofs at Port
Royal—contributed greatly; but he and his associates
soon found, on the St. Lawrence, the opposition which
they had experienced in Acadia, and which cost France
that province. Mr. de Ventadour, learning from some
Catholics of Quebec the misconduct of William de Caen
towards these missionaries, wrote to him in a tone which
greatly mortified him. He did not doubt but that those
who had been the occasion and subject of these com-
plaints had themselves drawn these reproaches on him ;
and the retaliation fell on them.

On the other hand, the Indians continued to give great
uneasiness. ‘They had again assassinated colonists, and
as the French were not strong enough yet to demand
satisfaction, impunity rendered the savages more inso-
lent, so that settlers were no longer sure of their lives if
they went the least distance from their houses. Such was
the condition of the colony when Mr. de Champlain re-
turned to Quebec in 1627.2. The buildings had not pro-
gressed in his absence, and the cleared lands remained for
the most part untilled. The partners of the Sieurs de
Caen thought only of the fur-trade, and minds grew daily
more exasperated in regard to religion. All this, pictured
warmly to the king’s council, induced Cardinal Richelieu
to put the commerce of New France into other hands, and
to hearken to the proposition made him to form a com-
pany of one hundred associates on a plan laid before
him.’

! This is exaggerated. Lalemant de I’Incarnation, p. 689; Faillon,
gives the whole number of Frenchin Histoire de la Colonie Francaise, i.,
the colony as forty-three. The col- p, 223.
oniste introduced by the Jesuits were 2 This should be 1626. See note 2,
soon compelled to return, and Que- p, 87; Creuxius, Hist., p. 9.
bec was not called a city till 1663; ’ A great company, called the Mor
Lettres Historiques de la M. Marie bihan Company, was projected, but

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HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

Nothing was ever better devised, and I do not hesitate

39

1627.

to assert that New France would now be the most power- —~—
ful colony in America, had the execution corresponded Company of

a hundred

with the beauty of the project, and had the members of associates

that great body profited by the favorable disposition of
the sovereign and his prime minister. The memoir pre-
sented to Cardinal de Richelieu by Messieurs de Roque-
mont, Houel, de Lattaignant, Dablon, du Chesne, and
Castillon, agreed—Ist. That in the ensuing year, 1628,
the associates would send over to New France two or
three hundred mechanics of all trades; and before the year
1643 they promised to increase the number of inhabitants
to sixteen thousand ;' to lodge, support, and supply them
with every thing for three years; then to assign them as
much cleared lands as would be necessary for their sup-
port, and to furnish grain to sow. 2d. That the settlers
should be native-born Frenchmen and Catholics, and that
care should be taken that no foreigner or heretic entered
the country. 3d. That in each settlement there should be
at least three priests, whom the Company undertook to
supply absolutely with all required for themselves in per-
son or their ministry for fifteen years, after which they
might subsist by means of the cleared lands assigned to
them. To compensate the Company for all this expense—
Ist. The king assigned to the associates and their repre-
sentatives, forever, the fort and habitation of Quebec ; all
the country of New France, including Florida, which his
majesty’s predecessors had settled; all the course of the
Great River and the streams emptying into it, or which in
that extent of country reach the sea; the islands, ports,
harbors, mines, according to the ordinance, fisheries, ete. :
his majesty reserving only the right of fealty and homage,

never received a legal existence: sand: Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
Bergeron, Traité dela Navigation; p.15; Mercure Francais, xiv., part
Ferland, Cours d'Histoire, i, p. 2, p. 232; Memoire des Commis-
222. saires, ii, p. 464.

! The real number was four thou- * Its western limit was Lake Huron.

for the set-
tlement of
the colony,

April 29.

1627,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

with a gold crown of eight marks’ weight at each change
of king, and support for the officers of supreme justice, to
be named and presented by the said associates when it
should be deemed proper to establish thea ; power to cast
cannon, build fortified places, forge all kinds of arms
offensive and defensive, and do generally every thing
necessary for the safety of the country and the preserva-
tion of trade, 2d. His majesty conceded to them the right
to grant lands in such quantity as they deemed expedient ;
to give them such titles, honors, rights, and power as they
chose, according to the qualities, condition, and merit of
the person, with such charges, reservations, and conditions
as should be deemed just ; but that in case of the erection
of duchies, marquisates, countships, and baronages, letters
of confirmation should be taken out from the king, on the
presentation of Cardinal de Richelieu, grand master, chief,
and superintendent of the trade and commerce of France.
3d. That the associates might enjoy, fully and peaceably,
what was granted them, his majesty revoked all conces-
sions made of said lands, ports, or portions thereof; he
granted to the associates in perpetuity the trade in leather,
skins, and furs; and for fifteen years only—commencing
January 1, 1628, to the last of December, 1643—all other
trade by land or sea, made in any manner whatever, in the
extent of said country and as far as it might extend, ex-
cepting only the cod and whale fishery, which his majesty
wished to be free to all his subjects ; revoking all conflict-
ing concessions, and especially the articles granted to
William de Caen, interdicting for the said time all trade
granted either to the said de Caen and his associates or
others, under penalty of confiscation of the vessels und
goods to the profit of the Company, unless Cardinal de
Richelieu should give leave, passport, or permission to
any one for all the places mentioned. 4th. The king
intended, nevertheless, that the French settled in the same
parts, who were neither supported nor maintained at the
expense of the Company, should be at full liberty to trade

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HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

with the Indians for furs, on condition that they sold their
beaver-skins only to the factors of the Company, who
should be obliged to buy them at forty sous tournois a skin,
if good and well-conditioned, with a prohibition against
their selling to others under pain of confiscation. 5th,
The king agreed to present to the associates two ships of
war of two or three hundred tons each, but without sup-
plies ; that if these vessels should in any way whatever be
lost, the Company should replace them at its own expense,
except in case of their being taken by the king’s enemies
in open war. 6th. In case the Company failed to send
over, in the first. ten years, fifteen hundred French of
both sexes, it was agreed that it should refund to his
majesty the estimated cost of the outfit of the two ships of
war; and that, if in the remaining years it again failed to
send over the stipulated number of men and women,
except in case of capture of ships by the enemy, the Com-
pany was to make the same restitution, and be deprived of
the trade granted it by the present articles. 7th. The
king permitted it to embark on the said vessels such cap-
tains, soldiers, and sailors as it chose : on condition, how-
ever, that the captains, on its recommendation, should
take their commissions or authority from his majesty, as
should, too, the commandants of posts and forts, already
erected or to erect, in the extent of the countries granted.
As to the other vessels employed by the associates, they
might give command to such persons as they deemed
proper, in the usual manner. His majesty also gave the
Company four bronze culverins, heretofore granted to the
Molucea Company.

The king did not limit his favors and precautions here.
To excite his subjects to emigrate to New France, and es-
tablish all kinds of manufactures there, his majesty de-
clared—t1st, That all those mechanics whom the Company
agreed to send over should be reputed master mechanics,
if they chose to return after plying their trade and busi-
ness there for six years, and should be privileged to keep

42 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1627. open shop in Paris and other cities on their bringing back
—y— an authentic certificate of their service ; and for this pur-
pose there should annually, at each embarkation, be filed
in the Office of the Admiralty a list of those sent to New
France by the Company. 2d. That as goods, of whatever
quality, coming from said countries, and especially those
manufactured there, would be the fruits of French indus-
try, they should for fifteen years be free from all imposts
and subsidies, although transported and sold in the king-
dom ; that likewise all munitions of war, provisions, and
other necessaries for victualling and embarking, to be made
for New France, should enjoy the same exemptions and
franchises during the said term of fifteen years. 3d. That
it should be lawful for all persons, of any rank whatever,
—ecclesiastics, nobles, officers, and others,—to enter the
said Company without compromising the privileges granted
to their orders ; that those of the Company might, at their
discretion, admit to the association those who presented
themselves ; that if any were not noble by extraction, his
majesty would ennoble to the number of twelve, who
should thereafter enjoy all privileges of nobility, which
should descend to their children born or to be born in
lawful wedlock ; that for this purpose his majesty would
furnish the said associates twelve patents of nobility,
signed, sealed, and issued with names in blank, to be filled
with those of the said twelve associates, and that these
Letters Patent should be distributed by the Cardinal Grand
Master to those who should be presented by the Company.
4th. That the descendants of the French settled in said
country, and the Indians who should be brought to the
knowledge of the faith and make profession thereof, should
be deemed and reputed native Frenchmen, and as such
should be allowed to come and reside in France, at their
option, and there acquire, dispose by will, and take by de-
vise, bequest, and gift in the same manner as real natives
of the kingdom and Frenchmen born, without being held
to take out any letters of declaration or naturalization.

Mi
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4

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE, 43

In fine, the king promised, in case any civil or foreign 1628.
war occurred to prevent the fulfilment of the present ar- —~ 7”
ticles, to grant the associates such further delay as his
council should deem meet ; to issue and ratify in the proper
office all letters necessary for the execution of the preced-
ing articles, and in case of opposition to their verification
his majesty reserved cognizance thereof to himself. Louis
XIII. closed by saying, that if the associates, in the course
of time, found it necessary to explain or amplify any of
the articles, or add new ones, relief should be provided,
according to the exigency, on their remonstrance ; that they
: should also be at liberty to draw up such articles of associa-
: tion, rules, and ordinances as they deemed necessary for
r the maintenance of their society; which articles, rules,
) and ordinances being approved by the grand master,
authorized by his majesty, and duly registered, should be
thereafter inviolably observed according to their form and
tenor, as well by the said associates as by those already
settled and to settle thereafter in New France.

These articles were signed April 19, 1627,’ by Cardinal
de Richelieu and by those who had presented the project.
The king approved them by an edict dated in the month of
May, in the camp before Rochelle ; and this edict explains
in the greatest detail what I have just given in brief. This
done, the Duke de Ventadour resigned into his majesty’s
hands his rank of viceroy. The company, which took the
name of the Company of New France, soon numbered one
hundred and seven associates, of whom Cardinal de Riche-
lieu and Marshal Defiat, superintendent of finances, were
the chief. The Commander de Razilli, Mr. de Champlain,
the Abbé de la Magdelaine, and several other persons of
: condition, entered into it. The rest were made up of able
i and wealthy merchants, and of the principal burghers of
j Paris and other commercial cities.? In fine, there was

i

Se a eae

sa RANI

1 Mercure Francais, xiv., p. 288; toire de la Colonie Francaise, p. 228.
Edits et Ordonnances,i.,p.6. Asto 2A list is given in Creuxius, His-
an error in the last, see Faillon, His- toria, Canadensis. Among others is

44 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1628, every reason to hope that New France was about to be-
—y— come a prominent object of ministerial attention, being
supported by so powerful a Company.
English Its institution was marked, however, by an epoch of very
hostilities. 11 omen. Tho first ships sent by it to America were taken
by the English,’ to whom the siege of la Rochelle afforded
a pretext for committing hostilities against France, al-
though the two countries were at peace. The next year
David Kertk,’ a Frenchman born at Dieppe, but a Calvin-
ist refugee in England, instigated it is said by William de i
Caen, who wished to take revenge for the loss of his ex- ;
clusive monopoly, penetrated to Tadoussac with a squad-
ron, and sent parties to burn the houses and kill the |
cattle at Cape Tourmente.* The man intrusted with this
task had orders to proceed then to Quebec and summon
the commandant to surrender the fort.
Quebec ~ Mr. de Champlain was there with Mr. de Pontgravé, re-
summoned cently returned from France on business of Mr. de Monts

to surren-

Cher paints and his society. , After deliberating together and sounding

reply. the chief settlers, they resolved to make a defence ; and
Champlain returnec. so bold an answer to the summons of
the English captain, that he deemed it prudent to retire.‘
Yet they were actually reduced in the town to seven ounces
of bread a head each day, and there were not over five

the name of Scbastian Cramoisy, (155); Sagard, Hist., pp. 916-20. Sa-
printer to the king, whose press is gard and Champlain make no such
so familiar to readers of early works accusation against de Caen, and Fail-
relating to Canada, lon (Histoire de la Colonie Fran-

1 Creuxius, p. 19. aise, i., p. 283) defends de Caen.

2 This name is variously written— | ‘Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1682),
“Qver’ (Champlain, 1632, p. 158); p. 157. The English bark returned
“Quer” (ib., p. 157); “ Kertk” (ib, to Tadoussac, and a shallop brought

p. 219); “ Kerque” (Sagard, p. 921) ;
“ Kersius” (Creuxius, p. 17). It is, in
English documents, “ Kyrcke.” He
was born at Dieppe, of a Scotch fa-
ther, and was a wine-merchant at
Bordeaux and Cognac (Champlain,
1632, pp. 256, 257.)

? Champ., Voyag. (ed. 1632), p. 455

up the prisoners and Kirk's letter:
Sagard, Histoire du Canada, pp. 921-
2; Creuxius, Hist., p. 17.

®See the summons—dated July
8, 1628—and Champlain’s answer :
Champlain, Voyages (1682), p. 157;
Sagard, Histoire du Canada, pp.
922-4.

.
en ah SEER UI Rie mas

hnitcicbalaudens

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

pou...is of powder in the magazine.’ Kertk was doubtless 1629.
unaware of this critical situation: moreover, he thought ~~
that he would fare better with a fleet of the new company,
commanded by Mr. de Roquemont, one of its members,
which was bringing families and supplies of all kinds to
‘ Quebee. He had been notified of its departure by Wil-
liam do Caen, yet to all appearance he would fail in this
enterprise.
Mr. de Roquemont’s misfortune was, indeed, less the re- The Eng-
. . . . : ‘ lish capture
sult of this heretic’s perfidy than of his own imprudence. ‘4 French
: On arriving at the roadstead of Gaspé, he detached a bark ae
to inform Mr. de Champlain of the succor he was bring-
. ing,” and to transmit the king’s patent creating him gov-
ernor and his lieutenant-general in all New France, with

siisboeniee saps

orders to make an inventory of all the effects belonging to
the Sieurs de Caen.’ A few days after dispatching this
bark, he learned that Kertk was not far off; and he at
once weighed anchor to go and meet him, without retlect-

ing that he exposed himself to the risk of an engagement

of doubtful issue, because his ships were very heavily
laden and much encumbered, and that they were, more-
| over, the only resource of a colony on the verge of ruin.
He was not long in finding the English. He attacked them

' Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1632), * Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1632),

p. 160. He says he had not fifty part ii, pp. 161-3. His commission

pounds of cannon-powder. The In- is, “To (ete.) the Sieur de Cham-
5 dians were ill-disposed, a chief, plain, commanding in New France
: Muhican-Atieq, having killed two in the absence of our dear and well-
Frenchmen, This induced distrust beloved cousin, Cardinal Richelieu,
and prevented the fisheries: Sagard, grand master, chief and superin-
Histoire du Canada, p. 895, ete.; Le tendent-general of the navigation and
Clereq, i, p. 877. In their distress, commerce of France.” Richelieu gov-
two Recollects, Father le Caron and erned Canada, after the resignation

‘
SrA Seah area ag PRS Ror sn

eee ns Rene i a, aaron ee

aes

Brother Gervais, set out to winter
with the Algonquins ; but meeting
Father Joseph de la Reche, and hear-
ing of the withdrawal of the English,
returned to Quebec: Sagard, His-
toire du Canada, pp. 927-83.
?Sagard, Histoire du Canada, p.
989 ; Creuxius, Hist. Can., p. 19.

of Ventadour, under this title, and
not as viceroy,

4+Champlain criticises de Roque-
mont fully (Voyages, part ii, pp.
164, 165). Sagard, on the authority
of two of his order, states that de
Roquemont could not avoid the en-
gagement (Hist. du Canada, p. 939).

1629.

Champ-
lain’s em-
barrass-
ment.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

and fought well. But besides the inability of his vessels to
manceuvre as well as those of Kertk, they were of inferior
force. They were soon crippled and compelled to surren-
der ;'.so that the bark, after inspiring a brief joy at Que-
bee, “ only served to increase,” says Champlain in his Me-
moirs, “ the number of mouths to eat his peas,”*

The harvest, which was very scanty, the eel-fishery, and
some elk brought in by the Indians from their hunt, re-
stored for two or three months a little ease to the town
and its people ; but this exhausted, the, were plunged into
greater scarcity than ever. Ono resource remained, on
which great hopes were built. Father Philibert Noyrot,
superior of the Jesuits, and Father Charles Lallemant had
gone to France for aid, and had found in the generosity
of their friencs wherewith to charter a vessel and load it
with provisions.“ They embarked themselves, together
with lather Alexander de Vieuxpont and a brother named
Louis Malot; but this vessel never reached Quebec. A
violent southeast wind drove it on the coast of Acadia,
where it was wrecked. Father Noyrot and Brother Malot
were lost. Father Vieuxpont joined Father Vimond on the
island of Cape Breton ; and Father Lallemant having em-
barked in a Biscayan vessel to carry the news of the mis-
fortune to France, was again wrecked near San Sebastian,
but fortunately escaped.*

'The action took place July 18,
1628 |Sagard, Histoire du Canada,
p. 939). Fathers Lalemant and Ra-
gueneau were taken and carried to
London (Creuxius, p. 19).

? Champlain, pp. 164, 185 ; Sagard,
Histoire du Canada, p. 940, 950;
Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p. 19.
Segard gives in his history (ch. ix.,
x.) an account of the loss of de Roque-
mont’s fleet, and especially of one
ship carrying two Recollects, Fa-
thers Daniel Boursier and Francis
Girard.

3 They bought the eels, etc., of the
Indians with beaver-skins: Cham-
plain, Voyages, p. 167; Sagard, His-
toire du Canada, pp. 974, 975; Creux-
ius, p. 22.

4This vessel, carrying Noyrot,
was not with de Koquemont’s fleet,
and put back to France. Lalemant,
who had been carried to London,
rejoined Noyrot, and then the vessel
sailed again: Creuxius, Historia
Canadensis, p. 20.

5 Letter of Father Charles Lale-
mant to the superior of the college

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HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

‘Lhe extremity to which the colony was reduced was not,
however, what most disturbed the governor. The In-
dians, from the time of the English coming, seemed greatly
alienated from the French ; and it must be avowed that
the latter had given them some ground. There was much
mixture among the settlers ; the Huguenots brought over
by the Sieur de Caen were not very submissive to lawful
authority, and all Champlain’s firmness could not check
the disorders to be expected from men not over-loyal to
the State.

Tn this sad position, the governor first thought that the
best course for him to adopt would be, in case he were not
relieved in season, to go and make war on the Iroquois, and
live at their expense. The last incursions of these Indians,
and some hostilities which they 1ad recently committed,
furnished him just ground ; but when he came to think of
setting out, no powder could be found. He had, therefore,
to remain at Quebec, where there was absolutely nothing
to support a hundred people shut up there, and reduced
now to hunting for roots in the woods like animals.’ In
this state, next to news of the arrival of ships from France,
they could scarcely receive any more agreeable than that
of the return of the English.

Accordingly, when at the close of July—that is to say,
three months after their provisions had entirely failed—
word was brought to Mr. de Champlain that English sails
were seen behind Pointe de Levi,’ not doubting but that

at Paris, Bordeaux, Nov. 22, 1629;
Champlain (ed. 1682), p. 276; in
English in Shea, Perils of the Ocean
and Wilderness, p. 9. Creuxius
(Historia Canadensis, pp. 40-4), gives
a sketch also of Noyrot and Malot.

1 Champlain, Depositicn, Nov. 9,
1629 (State-paper office, col. series,
v., art. 34); Voyages (ed. 1682), pp.
207, 218; Eustace Boullé’s Deposi-
tion (State-paper office, col. series, v.,
art. 385); l’Abeille,x., No. 11. Cham-
plain sent Boullé with twenty-nine

men, women, and children to Gaspé:
Sagard, Histoire du Canada, p. 977.
In July he sent a Frenchman to the
Abenaquioue, who offered to keep
twenty or twenty-five till spring (ib.,
979, 980). The population of Que-
bec at its capture is not given. Tt
did not, however, exceed one hur-
dred,

2 Sagard (Histoire, pp. 986, 587),
says the intelligence was received
July 19, 1629; Creuxius, Historia
Canadensis, p. 26.

1629.

Quebec
again sum-
moned by
the Eng-
lish,

Conditions
of the sur-
render,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

it was Kertk’s squadron, he regarded that commander less
asan enemy than as a deliverer to whom he owed his own
and his colony’s escape from starvation. It was but a few
hours aiter receiving this intelligence that he saw a boat
approach bearing a white flag. The officer in command,
after advancing to about the middle of the harbor, stopped,
as if to ask permission to approach. This was given at
first by raising a flag similar to his own; and as soon as
he landed, he presented to the governor a letter from Louis
and Thomas Kertk, brothers of ACmiral David Kertk.'
This letter contained a summons in extremely polite
terms. The two brothers, one of whom was to command
at Quebee and the other directed the fleet, the greater part
of which remained with Thomas at Tadoussac, gave Mr,
de Champlain to understand that they were aware of the
sad state of his colony: that, nevertheless, if he would
surrender his fort, they would allow him to make his own
conditions, What had so well informed the English of the
situation of Quebec, was the capture of the Sieur Boulé,

Champlain’s lieutenant and brother-in-law, whom the gov-—

ernor had dispatched to : present to the Company the
pressing need of succor in which he stood. From some of
his sailors, the English had artfully drawn the object of
their voyage.’

The governor was far from refusing the offer made him.
He accepted it,’ but begged the commander not to ap-
proach any nearer till all was agreed upon. The officer
went back with this answer, and the evening of the same
day he returned to Quebec to ask the articles of capitula-

1 See letter in Champlain, part ii, 2 Sagard, Histoire du Canada, p.
p. 215; Sagard, Histoiredu Canada, 984: Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
p. 988; Creuxius, Historia Cana- p. 25; Champlain, Voyages (1682),
densis, p. 27. It is dated July 19, p. 280.

1629. The English fleet, six ships 3 Sagard, Histoire du Canada, p.
and two pinnaces, left Gravesend 989; Champlain (Letter to Kirk,
March 26, 1629: Deposition of Cap- July 19, 1629), Voyages, (ed. 1632),
tain David Kyrcke (State-paper of- p. 215; Creuxius, Historia Cana
fice col., series v., art, 387). densis, p. 29.

y
}

IS

he

Pre

‘

ae ed

V

GN ieee

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

tion. Champlain gave his in writing, and they provided :'

49

1629,

Ist. That before any further steps, the Messieurs Kextk 7”

should show their commission from the king of Great
Britain, and a power from their brother Admiral David ;
2d. That they should furnish him a vessel to proceed to
France with all the Frenchmen, without excepting any, not
even two Indian girls belonging to him; 3d. That the
military should march out with their arms and all effects
that they could carry; 4th That the vessel to be given
them should be fully rigged and be provisioned, the last to
be paid for in furs, the surplus of which to be carried off
by the owners ; 5th. That no insult or violence should be
done to any one; 6th. That the ship should be given up
three days after the arrival of the French at Tadoussac,
and that barks should be given to convey them to that port.

There was little difficulty as to the main articles. Louis
Kertk replied that his brother, Thomas Kertk, who had
remained at Tadoussac, had the commission and authority
demanded, and that he would produce them when he had
the honor to see Mr. de Champlain ; that there would be
no difficulty as to giving a vessel, and that if it was not
large enough to carry all the French, there would be room
on the squadron for any that wished to embark in it,—with
the pledge of being well treated and of being transported
to France as soon as they set foot in an English port. The
article as to the two Indian girls was at first refused, but
subsequently granted. It was agreed that the officers
should march out with their arms and baggage, and in
general all that belonged to them ; the soldiers with arms,
clothing, and a beaver robe for each; the religious with
their books ; but every thing else to be left in the fort.
Champlain considered himself very fortunate in obtaining

' See articles(Champlain, Voyages, conducted by Father le Caron: Sa-
part ii., p. 216), The third article gard, pp. 989-91.
wis not confined to the military, but |? And clothes. See articles, Cham-
included all, and named the religious plain, p. 218; Creuxius, Historia
expressly. The negotiations were Canadensis, p. 27.

Vou, IL—4

50

1629.
—_——

Most of the

settlers re-

main in the
country,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

these conditions, and thought it not worth while to press
the others.

The next day, July 20, Louis Kertk anchored in tho road-
stead with his three ships, his own a vessel of one hundred
tons, carrying ten guns; the other two, pataches of fifty
tons and six guns." The governor went on board to visit
him, and was well received. He asked and obtained sol-
diers to guard the chapel, and protect the two religious
houses (Jesuit and Recollect)’ from all insult. Kertk then
landed at Quebec and took possession of the fort, then of
the warehouse, the keys of which he committed to one Le
Baillif, of Amiens, who had gone over to the enemy with
three other Frenchmen, Stephen Brulé, of Champigni ;
Nicholas Marsolet, of Rouen; and Peter Raye, of Paris.
The last was one of the most wicked men that could pos-
sibly be seen; and, as is usually the case, only these trai-
tors abused their position.” The commandant would not
allow Mr. de Champlain to leave his quarters, permitting
him even to have Mass said there. He carried his polite-
ness so far, as to give him a copy, in his own handwriting,
of the inventory he had drawn up of all found in the place
when he entered.‘

It was for the English interest to retain in the country
all the settlers who had cleared lands, at least Kertk
thought so; and to induce them to remain, he made them
the most tempting offers. He even assured them that if,
after remaining a year, they were not satisfied, he would
convey them back to France. As his conduct had greatly
prepossessed them in his favor, and several would have
been obliged to beg their bread if they crossed the sea,
almost all concluded to remain; but the governor, while
giving his consent to this, warned them that if, at the end
of a year, the king did not retake Canada, they would do
wrong to remain any longer deprived of the sacraments

1Pataches of forty tons: Cham- Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p. 29.
plain, p. 219. 3 Champlain, p. 220.
2 TIebert's house wasalso protected: 4 Ib., p. 221.

‘
\
4

i

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

and other spiritual succor, as the salvation of their souls
should be dearer to them than all the property they could
possess.’

All things being thus arranged, and Thomas Kertk hav-
ing joined his brother, Champlain started with him, on the
24th, for Tadoussac,’ where David, the admiral, had pro-
ceeded shortly before, On this voyage, victors and van-
quished had well-nigh changed fortunes. Emery de Cven,
who was going to Quebec, ignorant of all that bh .d oceur-
red, met the ship of Thomas Kertk, in which Champlain
was, and which had got separated from the two pataches
with which it set out. He attacked it, and was on the
point of carrying it, when calling out “ Quarter,” to in-
duce the English to surrender, Thomas Kertk took this
word in an opposite sense, and cried out, on his side,
“ Good quarter.” At these words the ardor of the French
relaxed. De Caen perceiving it, wished to rally them, and
prepared for a last effort; but Mr, de Champlain appeared
and advised him to profit by his advantage to secure good
terms before the pataches came up, which had crowded
sail, and were now quite near.

Certainly, had all the French done their duty, the Eng-
lish ship would have Leen taken before assistance arrived.
The commander’s fear drove him to a dastardly step ; for
he threatened to kill Mr. de Champlain if he did not sto:
the action. This Champlain did not do, however, till time
had been given for the pataches to come up.’ It was, in fact,
a stratagem to enable de Caen to anticipate their arrival,
for he would have made short work of the pataches after

'Champlain, p. 225. Champlain Paris, and had been ao colonist at
advised the Hebert and Couillard Port Royal, thus doubly identified
families to remain till after harvest. with French colonization.

They were the only familics of sett- — ? Champlain, p. 226.

lers: Relation (1622), p. 8; Pieces, Champlain, Voyages, pp. 228,
ete., relatifs dlatenure seigneuriale, 229; Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
373, Any others that remained were pp. 30, 31. Sagard says that the
simple employees, unless Abraham Huguenots threw down their army
Martin’s family was there. Louis (Histoire, p. 999); but de Caen seems
Ucbert was an apothecary from above suspicion,

51

1629,
—_——

Emery de
Caen is tie
ken by the

English,

62 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE

1629. taking the ship; and then there would have been nothing
—y— to prevent the French from returning to Quebec, where
Louis Kertk was not in a position to offer any resistance.
Emery de Caen acted like a brave man, but he was not
seconded by his crew, composed, apparently, of his co-
religionists, who then fought reluctantly against tho Eng-

lish, on account of the siege of la Rochelle.
AFrench Jt was even asvertained later that, besides the four trai-
Calvinist tors already mentioned, and who were of the same sect,

the origina-
tor ofthe one named James Michel, a furious Calvinist, had pre-

rprise, sented memoirs to the English admiral to induce him to
undertake this expedition, and the traitor was actually on
the squadron with the title of rear-admiral.’ Those who
accuse William de Caen of having also betrayed his
country on this occasion, have probably formed this judg-
ment only because they believed Michel to have acted by
his orders. This squadron, moreover, was not near as
strong as was given out. It was composed only of five ves-
sels, of three or four hundred tons, well enough supplied
with provisions and munitions, but with a small force of
men. If Emery de Caen had arrived a week sooner, he
would have revictualled Quebec, and Mr. de Champlain
could not have been reduced there. David Kertk was also
fortunate in this, that peace having been declared between
the two crowns soon after his departure from England,
the commander de Razilli, who was equipping to go to the
relief of New France," received counter orders, and was
dispatched to Morocco. The court of France doubtless
supposed that Kertk also received orders not to proceed ;
but he had already sailed, a fact not known at Paris.
Meanwhile that admiral would not return to England
without visiting his conquest. He accordingly ascended to
Quebec, and on his return to Tadoussac he told Champlain
that he considered the position of the town admirable ;

1 Champlain, Voyages, p. 230; * Champlain, Voyages, part ii., pp.
Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p. 33. 280, 231.

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HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

that if retained by England it would soon he on a differ-
ent footing, as they would turn many things to account
which the French had neglected or overlooked. I will not
enter into the detail of what then passed ; it would lead
me too far, and is not very interesting. The admiral was
not nearly as generous as his brother Louis, and even the
latter did noi maintain his character to the end. Cham-
plain, and in a still greater degree the Jesuits, were to ex-
perience much ill treatment at the hands of both.’

The perfidious Michel had persuaded them that these
religious were very rich; but the English were soon un-
deceived, and vented some of their disgust on the informer.
The three brothers were indebted to him for the whole suc-
cess of this campaign and the previous one ; they were
good merchants who had grown rich by trade, but who
knew nothing of war. Michel was a naval man and a brave
soldier. In the engagement with Mr. de Roquemont he
had saved David Kertk’s ship from being grappled by that
commander, who could not reply to his broadsides, but
would easily have carried him by boarding; Michel had,
too, served as guide and pilot to his two brothers, who did
not know the St. Lawrence, and but for him would aever
have dared to enter so far.

But whether treason inspires with a kind of horror even
those who profit by it; or that traitors take umbrage
at every thing, a general effect of remorse of conscience ;
or, finally, the disappointment of the English on seeing
how little their conquest had enriched them ; or discuutent
on the part of the renegade, who deemed his services ill
rewarded, there was soon more than a coolness between
them. He was even the first to give vent. He openly
made loud complaints of the English, and especially of the
admiral. He declaimed still more furiously against the
Jesuits and men of St. Malo; and his violence went so far,
that more than once it resulted in attacks of frenzy.

* Champlain, part ii., ch. v.; Creuxius, Hist. Canadensis, p. 35, ete.

1629.

His tragio
end,

on
k=

end,

1629.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

Champlain sought to turn the wretched man’s feelings

—~—" towards the English to his good, by recalling him to the
His tragic faith of his fathers and the service of his xing. On recoy-

ering from his frenzy, Champlain took him aside and used
the gentlest language, most fitted to touch a heart that
was not hardened beyond all redemption. But his cup of
iniquity was full, and God no longer deferred his chastise-
ment. His fury increased to such a point, that he could
no longer be seen or heard without horror. He at last
fell into a lethargic swoon which lasted thirty-five hours,
and these past, he expired.’ All military honors were paid
to his remains, and he was interred with all the ceremonies
used in the Protestant churches; but the funeral over, the
English only thought of drinking deeply, and they never
showed more hilarity.

The admiral spent the rest of the summer in careening
his ships, which they greatly needed. He set sail in Sep-
tember, and on the 20th of October anchored in the
port of Plymouth, where he learned that the differences
between the two crowns were settled.* He was not una-
ware of it; and it is even asserted that he had absolute
knowledge of it before the capture of Quebec, but had
deemed that he might pretend ignorance. He had been
at great expense to fit out his vessels, and had flattered
himself with the hope of finding in New France more than
would be needed to cover his outlay. He was much aston-
ished to see himself lord only of a rock inhabited by a
hundred persons exhausted by a long famine, whom he
had in the first place to feed; a warehouse with but a
small stock of skins ; some poorly built and worse furnished
houses. So all that he gained by his want of good faith
was his own ruin, unrelieved even by the consolation of
laboring for the prince he served.’

1 Champlain, pp. 258, 262; Creux- ber 9, 1629: Sagard, Histoire du
ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 34. Canada, p. 1001.

2 Champlain, p. 266. The Recol- 8 Charlevoix hére leaves us in the
lects and Jesuits sailed Septem- dark as to Champlain. Kertk car.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 55

The court of France was at first much shocked at this
invasion of the English, after a treaty had been signed,
which prevented them opposing it ; but apart from reasons
of honor, many doubted whether there had been any real
loss, and whether it was worth the while to demand the
restitution of Quebec. They represented that the climate
was too severe ; that the outlay exceeded the return; that
the kingdom could not undertake to settle so vast a coun-
try, without greatly weakening its own strength. More-
over, said they, how are we to settle it ; and what use will
it be if we do settle it? The East Indies and Brazil
have depopulated Portugal ; Spain sees many of its prov-
inces almost deserted since the conquest of America.
Both kingdoms have, indeed, gained wherewith to balance
this loss, if the loss of men can be balanced; but in the
fifty years that we have known Canada, what have we
derived from it? This country can, then, be of no use to
us, or we must admit that the French are not suited for
founding colonies. Yet we have thus far dispensed with
them, and even the Spaniards would perhaps like to begin
anew. Who but knows that Charles V., with all the gold

1629.
—_—_—_

Some ad-
vise against
asking tho
restitution
of Quebee.

and silver which Peru and Mexico supplied, never could
master France, and often beheld his enterprises miscarry
from want of means to pay his troops; while his rival,
Francis I., found in his coffers means to repair his losses
and cope with a prince whose empire was more vast than
that of the first Caesars ? Let us improve France, keep her
men, profit by her advantages for trade, turn to account

ried him to England. Hearrived at that he was held for ransom (“Con-

Plymouth on the 20th October, and
London on the 29th (Voyages, ed.
16382, p. 266). At Plymouth he heard
of the peace concluded at Suse, April
24, 1629 (Mem. des Commis., ii, p. 1),
ana wrote to induce the French to
demand the restoration of Quebec,
which he claimed at London through
the French ambassador (Champlain,
Voyages, p. 266). It would seem

cerning Capt. Kerke’s French pris-
on,” printed in l’Abeille, vol. x., No.
10). Sagard says the religious
reached Plymouth, Oct. 18, and Ca-
lais, Oct. 29. Kirk, in a petition to
the Board of Trade, claimed to have
taken eighteen French vessels, with
one hundred and thirty-five cannon,
going to the relief of Port Royal and
Quebec (Mem. des Com., ii., p. 275).

56

1629.
SS
Reply to

their rea-
sons.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

the industry of her inhabitants, and we shall see all the
wealth of Asia, Afri’ and the New World enter our ports.

To this, others replied that the climate of New Franco
moderated as the country was explored; that this could
not be doubted, as it lay in the same latitude as the most
temperate regions of Europe ; that the climate is healthy,
the soil fertile; that with moderate toil, all the comforts
of life may be procured; that we must not judge France
by Spain and Portugal, which had been drained of men
by the wars of the Moors and their expulsion, before the
discovery of both Indies, and which, in spite of this loss,
had undertaken to settle immense countries; that we
must not fall into the same faults, but send to America
every year a small number of families and disbanded sol-
diers, with girls taken from the hospitals, and settle them
so that they may extend in proportion as they increase ;
that experience showed French women to be fruitful there ;
that children are brought up without difficulty, become
robust, well made, and of very fine blood; that the cod-
fishery alone was enough to enrich a kingdom, required
but little outlay, and was an excellent school to train
sailors, but to derive all the advantages it was capable of
producing, it would have to be made sedentary—that is to
say, employ the colonists themselves in it; that furs
might also become an important object of trade, if care
was taken not to exhaust the source of supply by endeav-
oring to enrich themselves at once. The forests which
covered the country, and are undoubtedly the finest in the
world, could be turned to profit in building ships. Finally,
that the sole motive of preventing the English becoming
too powerful in this part of America, by joining the two
shores of the St. Lawrence to the many provinces where
they had already thriving colonies, was enough to induce
us to recover Quebec at any price.’

1 Charlevoix derives these discus- shows that there is no authority for
sions from le Clercq (Etablissement them, and details the steps taken by
de la Foi, i., p.419); but Mr. Faillon France to recover Canada, and the

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HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

As to the objection that we had made but little progress

in Canada, after so many years, Champlain threw the fault ~~
on the private associations which had had the direction of | Cham-
the colony. I shall give his own words without any addi- «

tion: “ While an association, in a country like this, holds the
purse, it pays, gives, and assists whom it pleases. Those
who command for his majesty gain little obedience, having
no one to assist except by the consent of the Company’s
agents, who relish nothing as little as those placed there by
the king (or viceroys),as not depending on themselves,—not
desiring them to see and judge what they do, nor their
conduct and x«tion in such affairs; they wish to draw all to
themselves; are careless of what happens, provided they
profit by it. They oppose forts and fortresses, except when
the moment of need comes, and then there is no time. When
I spoke to them of fortifying, they thought it a grievance.
In vain I showed them the evil consequences that might
result ; they were deaf: and all this was simply fear on
their part, that, if a fort was built, they would be mas-
tered, and have law prescribed to them. And entertaining
these thoughts, they left the country and us a prey to
pirates or enemies. JI wrote enough to the gentlemen of
the council. It needed some one to give orders, which
never came ; and if his majesty had only left trade free to
the associates, to have their stores and clerks, while the
rest of the men should be in the full power of the king’s
lieutenant in the country, to employ them as he deemed
necessary, either in his majesty’s service or in fortifying or
clearing the ground, so as to avoid famine, which might at
any time happen if any thing befell the ships,—if this
plan were adopted, more pro ‘ess and advance would be
seen in ten years than in thirty py the course pursued.”
To the motives of policy and interest, which had not
persuaded the majority of the council, others were added

cause of the delay in its restoration : ‘Champlain, Voyages (ed. 1632),
Histoire de la Colonie Francaise, p. p.11. He refers to matters in 1621,
235, n. and not to the time of the capture.

57

1629.

plain’s
ypinion,

58

1629.
—_—

Canada re-
stored to
France,

The condi-
tion of New
France,

~~

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

which decided Louis XIII. not to abandon Canada.
These were motives of honor and religion; and no one
gave them greater force than Champlain, who had much
piety, and was a patriotic Frenchman. Negotiations were
accordingly begun to recover Quebec from the hands of
the English ;’ and to give life to the negotiations, six
vessels were fitted out, to be under the orders of the Com-
mander de Razilly. This had its effect. The court of
England, at the instance of Lord Montague, restored, with
a good grace, what France was preparing to take by force.
The treaty was signed at St. Germain-en-Laye, March 29,
1632,’ including also Acadia and the island of Cape Breton
(now called Tle Royale).

Our settlement on that island was not much of an affair:
yet this post, the fort of Quebec, surrounded by a few
wretched houses and some sheds ; two or three cabins on
the island of Montreal; as many perhaps at Tadoussac,
and at some other points on the River St. Lawrence, to
accommodate fishers and traders; a settlement begun at
Three Rivers, and the ruins of Port Royal; this was all
that constituted New France—the sole fruit of the discoy-
eries of Verrazani, Jacques Cartier, Mr. de Roberval,
Champlain, of the great expenses of the Marquis de la
Roche and Mr. de Monts, and of the industry of many
Frenchmen, who might have built up a great colony had
they been well directed.

1 Champlain endeavored to obtain
a restoration through the French
ambassador at London, but after re-
maining six weeks, found it would
be a tedious matter. He accordingly
returned to France and laid the mat-
ter before the court. Richelieu, in
Nov., 1629, ordered Mr. de Chateau-
neuf to press the demand. The
English government replied that it
could not then restore it. France, in
return, refused to restore some Eng-
lish ships; and Richelieu wrote, in
December: “If they consent to the

restitution of Quebec, pure and
simple, take it; if not, it is better to
let the matter drag on.” In April,
1630, Chateauneuf was assured that
all should be restored: Faillon, His-
toire de la Colonie Francaise, i., p.
257, n., and authorities cited.

2 The treaty is given in Memoires
des Commissaires, ii., p.5. It pur-
ports to give back and restore New
France, Acadia, and Canada. Port
Royal, the fort of Quebec, and Cape
Breton are mentioned as fortified
places : Ib., p. 6.

ATER a >

if

1
i”

¢
£

AREER

pecan.

fina ene MPL TE

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

The ease with which the English restored Acadia to

59

1629.

France, came, doubtless, from the fact that they had as ~~

yet taken no steps to settle there, as well as from its dis-
tance from New England, where it was most important
to fortify themselves before thinking of new enterprises.

‘TI have said, indeed, that in 1621 the king of Great Britain

had granted to William Alexander, earl of Stirling, all the
countries from which we had been expelled by the Eng-
lish.’ It is also true that the next year that nobleman
sent to his newly acquired territories an officer to select a
suitable place for a settlement ; but this agent, sailing too
late, had to winter in Port St. John, Newfoundland. He
then passed over to Acadia; entered Port au Mouton,
changing the name to St. Luke’s Bay; then entered
another, two leagues off, which he called Fairport or
Black Port. He did not stop there, but returning to
Newfoundland, soon after sailed to England.? From that
time the Earl of Stirling, for reasons unknown to me, did
nothing to turn his noble domain to advantage."

' See charter, Memoires des Com- Sagard at all. Chevalier, while he
missaires du Roy, i. xxxiv., ‘i, p. fails to give one single item for Sa-
198. The patent was continued by gard’s biography, supposes him a
a novodamus on July 12, 1625 (ib., priest; but Father le Clereq, in his
ii., p. 225), Premier Etablissement, says ex.

2 De Lact, Novus Orbis, pp. 61,62. pressly that he was a lay-brother.

8 In 1628, with the aid of David He was, however, evidently a man
Kirk, he reduced Port Royal, Ste. of education, observing and garru-
Croix, and Pentagoet (Kirk in Mem. lous. ‘The most precious part of his
des Commiss., ii., p. 276; Deuchar, work is his Huron dictionary, Char-
Memorial ; Haliburton, ii., p. 48). levoix (see vol. i., p. 78) underrates
H» conveyed part of this tothe elder its value. It is doubtless imperfect
de la Tour in 1680, but England re- and inexact, but nevertheless stands
stored Acadia by the treaty of St. os the best printed vocabulary of the
Germain. With the capture of Que- language ; although Potier’s Racines
bec, we lose as @ guide Sagard, Huronnes is much more full and
whose Works are more rich in ac- philosophic. Le Clereq never cites
counts of Indian life than in details Sagard ; and speaking of the Huron
as to the colony. Emile Chevalier dictionary, attributes the first to
gives a lorg, rambling, incorrect Father le Caron and Father Viel,
sketch of him in the late Paris edi- and says that Father George present-
tion, and naively supposes that Fer- ed the Huron, as well as Algonquin
land, Garneau, and other writers on and Montagnais dictionaries, to the
this side the Atlantic, had never read king, in 1625.

Why the

English ne-

glected
Acadia.

:

IUSTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

BOOK YV.,

By one of the articles of the treaty of St. Germain,
which replaced France in possession of Canada, all the
effects found at Quebec-—and of which, as we have seen,
an inventory had been drawn up'—were to be restored, as
well as the vessels taken on both sides, with their U'OeS,
or an equivalent ; and as the Sieurs de Caén were chiefly
interested in this restitution, Emery de Caén was first sent
alone to America, to bear the treaty to Louis Kertk, and
require its execution. The king even deemed it proper to
surrender to him all the trade in furs for one year, to com-
pensate him for his losses during the war.’ He sailed for
Quebec in April of this same year (1632), and on his
arrival, the English governor surrendered to him the place
and all the property belonging to him." Nevertheless, all
that year and the next, the English kept up trade with the
Indians ; and it cost no little trouble to stop this tratiic
which was expressly forbidden the subjects of the king of
Great Britain by the treaty of St. Germain.’

In 1633 the Company of New France resumed all its
rights ;° and Acadia was granted to the Commander de
Razilly, one of its chief members, on condition of his

eee

This inventory is given in ete., Mercure Francais, xviii ; Creux-
l’Abeille, x., No, 4. ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 105; Le

? Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, Jeune, Relation de le Nouy. France
p. 104; Mercure Francais, xviii; Le (1632), p.8; Canada Documents, IL,
Jeune, Relation de la Nouv, France i., p. 54.

(1632), p. 1; Champlain, Voyages * Acte de protestation faite par le
(ed. 1652), p. 809. Capitaine Emery de Caen, Canada

* July 13: Relation du Voyage fait Documents, Il, i, p. 52
& Canada pour la prise de possession, * Relation de la N. F. (1633), p. 1.

1632-3,

——
March 29,

64

1633.
—_—_———

M, «lo
Champlain
is ayuin
appointed
Governor
of New
France,

Character
of the Hu-

rons,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

planting a colony there.’ He did, in fact, form a small
settlement at Port la Haive, where it was so easy and im-
portant to make one, that would soon, with small outlay,
enable that great peninsula to yield large returns.’ The
same year, Mr, de Champlain, whom the Company had
presented to the king by virtue of the power conferred by
his majesty, was again appointed governor of New France,’
and set out with a squadron which carried much more
than all then in Canada was worth, taking with him
Fathers de Brebeuf and Enemond Masse. He found
several of the old settlers there, He brought new ones,
and exhorted both to take lessons from the faults that
caused the past misfortunes,‘

His first view was to bind the Huron nation to him, and
to begin by subjecting it to the yoke of the gospel, con-
vinced that there is no bond more indissoluble than that
of religion, Thus far, they had rather prepared the way
for the establishment of Christianity among these Indians,
than begun a work which required a greater knowledge
than had hitherto been acquired of their language, their
customs, their belief, and national character. The Recol-
lect Fathers, during their stay among them, had gained
some to Christ, but had been able to baptize only a few.
Fathers de Brebeuf and de Noué had also made some
proselytes; but Christianity had not yet taken root among
this people, which did not seem easy to convert. Never-
theless, men flattered themselves that when the Indians
had a somewhat longer intercourse with the missionaries,
they would become more docile; and this hope was based on

! The commander, Isaac de Razilly, 1632: Memoires des Commissaires,
was sent out to receive the country ii, p. 491; i, p. 44
in the name of the Company of New * Denys: Description des Cotes de
France: Agreement Mar, 27,1632; V’Amérique Septentrionale, pp. 86,
Canada Doe., IL, i, p. 56; Cham- 94-9, La Heve was in his brother’s
plain, Voyages, 1632, p.309. He was grant: Ferland, i., p. 255.
made lieutenant-general for the king: ® Lieutenant of Cardinal Richelieu
commission, May 10, 1632, 1657. and General of the Fleet: Mere.
The New France Company granted Frang., xix., p. 817.
him the St. Croix River, May 19, 4 Relation de la N. F., 1633, p. 25.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

the character of their solid, judicious, elevated mind,
capable of reflecting, as well as on the fact of its being the
most sedentary and laborious of all the natioas yet known
on this continent.

But to execute this project, a certain number of laborers
was needed, and it was necessary to put them in a position
to draw their subsistence from some other source than a
country which had no little difliculty in supporting its
settlers. Now, this was not easy to provide tor, The
Company had been induced to believe, that in a rising
colu.. , mendicant religious would be rather a burden
than a service to the settlers, who scarcely had the neces-
saries of life. It was, therefore, not minded tu ‘end back
the Recollect Fathers—at first, at least; and w found
means to induce the king’s council to adopt its reasoning.’
For the same reason, the Jesuits had to draw from France
all that they might need: and there was a fear that their
past losses had cooled the zeal of those who had hitherto
contributed most to expenses that proved useless. Hap-
pily, these fears proved vain. Almost all those who were,
in the outset, interested in behalf of New France, felt
bound to put the Jesuits not only in a position indepen-
dent of the settlers, as for their support and the functions
of the ministry, but also to contribute to the settlement of
the country; giving meanwhile, however, their principal
attention to the instruction of the French and the conver-
sion of the Indians.

Accordingly, in 1632 (that is to say, immediately after
the signing of the treaty of St. Germain), Fathers Paul le
Jeune and Anne de Noué embarked for Quebec.’ They

' Charlevoix’s reasoning is un- Faillon, in his Histoire de la Colonie
doubtedly amiss, as the first offer was Canadienne (i., p. 282, n.), a capable
made neither to Recollects nor Jesu- and impartial writer, defends the
its, but to the Capuchins. See Docu- Jesuits from the charge of having
ment of Cardinal Richelieu in Mar- excluded the Recollects, at this time,
tin, Relation Abrégée de Quelques from the mission.

Missions, ete, par le P. F. J. Bres- 2 Le Jeune, Relation de la Nouv.
sani (Montreal, 1852), p. 295. Mr. France (1682), p. 1.
Vou. 1—5

1633,
—_—\—

66

1633.
—_—_—

The con-
duct of the
English
makes the
Indians re-
gret the
French,

Success of
the first la-
bors of the
mission-
aries.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

found the few proselytes previously made in the neighbor-
hood of that city no longer in the same sentiments as at
their departure ; but it required no great effort to regain
them. The English, during their brief rule in the country,
had failed to gain the good-will of the Indians. The
Hurons did not appear at Quebec while they were there.’
The others, nearer the capital, many of whom, from private
dissatisfaction, had openly declared against us on the
approach of the English squadron, showed themselves
very selkiom. All were somewhat disconcerted when,
on aitempting to take with the new-comers the liber-
ties which the French made no difficulty in permit-
ting, they perceived that this manner did not please
them.

It was much worse soon after, when they saw them-
selves driven with cudgels from houses which they had
previously entered as freely as they did their own cabins.
They accordingly resolved to draw off; and nothing sub-
sequently bound them more firmly to our interest than
this difference in the manner and character of the two
nations whom they had seen settle in the neighborhood.
The missionaries, who were soon informed of the im-
pression thus made on them, wisely profited by it
to gain them to Christ and attach them to the French
nation.”

Fathers Enemond Masse and John de Brebeuf arrived,
as I have already said, the next year, with Mr. de
Champlain; and in less than fifteen years the number of
evangelical laborers was fifteen priests, without counting
three or four lay-brothers, some of whom were devoted to
the instruction of children. These religious rightly deemed
their first care due to the Household of the Faith ; and as
there was no longer any mixture of creed among the set-
tlers, God showered den on their labors such abundant

'This may be so, but I find no ? Relation de la Nouvelle France
authority for the statement. (1688), p. 86, ete.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

blessings, that in a few months a great moral improve-
ment was visible.’

The court had given positive orders to prevent any
Protestant emigration to New France, or the exercise of
any religion but the Catholic there.
pearances, his majesty had been informed, what the court

According to all ap-

had apparently been ignorant of previously, namely, that the
English enterprise against Canada resulted from the in-
trigues of Willian: de Caen or the other Calvinists of whon
I have spoken; and experience, on more than one occa-
sion, had taught him not to place the Huguenots too near
the English in a country where there was not a power to
keep them in their duty and in submission to lawful au-
thority.’

Great attention even had been paid to the selection of
uuose who offered to go and colonize New France; and
it is not true that the young women sent over, from time
to time, to marry the new settlers, were taken from
suspicious places, as some ill-informed travellers have
asserted in their works.’ Steps were always taken to be
assured of their morality before they embarked, and their
conduct in Canada is a proof that the precaution was sue-
cessful. In a short time, almost all who composed the
new colony were seen to follow the example of their gov-
ernor, and make an open and sincere profession of piety.

The same attention was continued in subsequent years,
and there soon arose in this part of America a generation
of true Christians, among whom reigned the simplicity of
the primitive ages of the Church, and whose posterity have
not lost sight of the great example left them by their
ancestors. ‘The consolation which such a change afforded

' Relations de la Nouvelle France
(1632-5). The number of mission-

’ This is in answer to a charge
of la Hontan (vol. i., p. 11). Longe

aries was really sixteen. See list in
Carayon, Documents In¢dits, xiv.,
p. 111.

* Mercure Frangais, xiv., p. 236;
Edits et Ordonnances Royaux, p. 7.

after this date, a girl arriving in a
state of pregnancy, was sent back
with the remark, that such cattle
were not wanted, Ferland (Notes
sur les Registres de Notre-Dame de

67

1633.
—_—o—

Protestants
excluded
from Cana-
da,

Judicious
choice of
settlers.

68

1633.
—_—

Character
of the early
mission-
aries,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

the laborers appointed to cultivate this transplanted vine-
yard, so sweetened the crosses of the most painful mission
ever perhaps established in the New World, that what
they wrote to their brethren in France created among
them a real eagerness to go and share their labors.

The annual Relations which we have of these happy
times, and the constant tradition preserved in the country,
both attest that there was an indescribable unction at-
tached to this Indian mission, which made it preferred to
many others infinitely more brilliant and even more fruit-
ful. This doubtless arose from the fact, that nature find-
ing nothing there, either to afford the comforts of life or
to flatter vanity—the ordinary shoal of brilliant success,
even in the holiest ministry—Grace worked without
an obstacle. Moreover, the Lord, who never allows
himself to be overcome in generosity, communicated him-
self unreservedly to men who sacrificed themselves with-
out reserve; who, dead to all, entirely detached from
themselves and the world, possessed their souls in unal-
terable peace, and were perfectly established in that spir-
itual childhood which Jesus Christ has recommended to
his disciples as their most distinctive characteristic.

This is the portrait, to the life, of the first missionaries
of New France, drawn by those who knew them closely,
and the sequel of this history will convince those least
prepossessed in their favor that it is not too highly col-
ored. I knew some of them in my youth, and found them
as I have just depicted—hent beneath the labors of a long
apostleship, and in bodies wasted by hardship and broken
with age, preserving still all the vigor of the apostolic
spirit. I have deemed it a duty to render them here the
same justice as was universally rendered by the country.

Among the number of idolatrous nations which opened
to the missionaries so vast a field for the exercise of their

Québec) appeals to the parish regis- only two cases of illegitimate birth.
ters, which, from 1621 to 1690, show See Boucher, Hist. Verit., p. 155.

oh ar te ARES ean,

é
{
2
i

sb heccipkamnees

aa os

cme

Ni
.
i
i
3
Py
=
%
2

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

zeal, none appeared to these religious to deserve their first
attention more than the Huron, Mr. de Champlain had
long projected a settlement in the country of these In-
dians. He revived the idea when, on his return from
France in 1638, he found no less than seven hundred
awaiting him at Quebec.’ He imparted his design to them.
They all applauded it, but when he least expected it,
changed their minds. It is perfectly useless to ask these
savages the grounds of these changes. They often have
none, except the right, to which they profess to adhere, of
not fettering their liberty and of never giving an irrevo-
cable decision,’

The governor, who knew them well, felt bound, never-
theless, to express his surprise and show his displeasure.
He even spoke to them as a man who felt himself no
longer, as in former years, in a position to be offended
with impunity, and he had reason to believe that he had
rendered them more docile. In this supposition, he
wished to act with hauteur; and in concert with Father
le Jeune, superior of the mission, he made all prepara-
tions for the voyage of Fathers de Brebeuf and de Noué,
who had been appointed to accompany these Indians.
The latter not only accepted them, but a jealousy was
even observed among the chiefs of the different villages
as to which should possess the missionaries ;° but an un-
foreseen accident defeated all the governor’s measures,
and he saw that he had evinced too much eagerness for a
thing which he should have made the savages (lésire.

An Algonquin had killed a Frenchman, and Mr. de
Champlain held this murderer in prison, firmly resolved to
make an exainple of him.’ He deemed this severity the
more necessary, as it was believed to be at last estab-
lished that the Recollect Father Viel was not drowned as

1 Le Jeune, Relation de la Nouv. Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p. 119.
France (1682), p. 14. 8 Le Jeune, Relation (1633), p. 38.
2 Relation (1683), pp. 84-43 ; 4Tb., p. 80.

69

1634.
—_——

Settlement

among the

Hurons pro-
jected

Champlain
wishes to
oblige them
to take mis-
sionaries to
their coun-
try.

They re-
fuse,

70 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

1634. had been supposed at first, but had been murdered
—Y— by his Huron guides for his effects, and that they had
thrown his body into the river to conceal their crime.’
The Indians themselves said openly, that to prevent such
crimes, which in their results would be fatal alike to them
and the French, they should not be left unpunished.
Cause of But these Indians, after having thus spoken in public
this relusul, With all the equity to be expected from the most reason-
able men in the world, quite often change their tone when
it comes to execute the judgment dictated by themselves,
and you must not always expect them to cover with a
plausible pretext their inconsistent conduct. The Hurons
on this occasion did, however. The day of their departure
being fixed upon, one of their chiefs declared bluntly that
he could not take any missionary or even any Frenchman
in his canoes, unless the governor first set at liberty the
Algonquin who wasinirons. He was told that he bad him-
self judged him deserving of death. “TI agree,” he replied,
“that itis right to punish an assassin; but the relatives,
friends, all the youth of this man’s village, have demanded
him back from us, and they await 1» at the passage, in
the hope that we will restore him to their hands. If their
expectation is defeated and f)).v pere:'ve any Frenchmen
among us, they will without fu.l fall upon us, and we can-
not withdraw them from the fury of the tribe without
being tyve!vod in a combat which will tzrn our allies into
enemies, ‘Yo anot even answer for the result; and what
grief wo shalifeel if we see those confided to our care
slaughtered before our eyes and in our very arms !’”*
Defectsanad Lhe French tried in vain to banish the real or pretended
mais of fears of this man: they effected nothing. In vain even
other chiefs said that they assumed the whole affair: he
had adopted his course, and he declared that he would
allow no Frenchman to embark. The governor no longer
doubted but that he acted in concert with the Algonquins,

' Le Jeune, Relation (1634), p. 92. ' Tb. (1688), p. 40.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

and deeming it unwise to relent in regard to the prisoner,
and imprudent to risk a single Frenchman with people so
ill-disposed, he advised the two missionaries to defer their
voyage to another opportunity.’

The conduct of this Huron chief portrays well the char-
acter of this nation, the ablest of all in Canada, but
against whom we must always be most on our guard. They
carry dissimulation to an excess not easily believed if it
had not been experienced. This trait had contributed to
make it feared and respected by other Indians, as much as
its industry, its readiness in expedients and resources, its
eloquence and bravery. In one word, it is of all the coi
tinent the nation distinguished } most defects and nosr
good qualities.

Champlain calls the Hurons Ochasteguins,’ and con-
founds them with the Iroquois,’ whom he doubtless sup-=
posed to form only one nation with them, on account of
the conformity which he had remarked between the lan-
guage of the two.’ He may, too, have heard them called
Ochasteguins by some other Indians. But their veal
name is Yendat.° The word Huron comes from the
French, who seeing these Indians with the hair cut very
short, and standing up in a strange fashion, giving them
a fearful air, cried out, the first time they saw thein, Quelle
hures! (What boars’ heads!) and so got to call thom
Hurons.°

If we believe their oldest traditions, this nation in 1's
first origin was composed of two towns only,’ which 1

' Le Jeune, Relation, p. 42. SN at for Wendat. Sagard,
2 From a chief of that name: Voy. in lictionary (Verb, Nation),
(Lav. ed. 1613), p. 169; 1682, p. 154; gives Houandate (Relation de la
3 He calls them good Iroquois. Nouws'le France, 1639, p. 50). Wy-
4 He seems to have distinguished and « in our English writers, though

clearly the Ochasteguins or Hurons the tribe now called Wyandots are

(ed. 1682, p. 131), seventeen villages ;
Tionontates or Petuns, the Neuters,
the Antouhororons, fifteen villages ;
the Iroquois and the Carantouanis,
apparently the Susquehannas

Tionontates or Petuns (His-
Magazine, v., p. 262),
° H. Lalemant, in Lelation (1689),
p. 51.
7 Two tribes, the Attignawantan

Origin of
this nation,

IISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

time divided into four, or adopted two others ;' for the old

“men whom the missionaries questioned on this point did

not agree among themselves. The adoption of various
neighboring nations made these four tribes more powor-
ful than all other nations, by their care to keep always
united in one body. This the Algonquins neglected to
do, who were originally much more numerous than the
Hurons; for although the tribes adopted by the latter
always preserved their primitive names, they also took
the generic name, which was that of the original two, and
spoke the same language, with some inconsiderable differ-
ences. Yet some give themselves ‘ae name of Ontaouon-
oucs,—that is to say, those who speak the best language.’

This uniformity of language would even lead us to infer
that the confederation or adoption of these tribes had
only recalled them to their primitive stock; while the
Troquois and Andastouez,’ who are certainly of the same
stock, having never united after their separation, have
also much more altered their languages, which are evi-
dently Huron dialects, as I have elsewhere remarked.’ I
have also soken in the same place of the division not
only of the whole nation, but also of each canton or town,
into three principal families ;° I content myself with re-

and the Attigneenongnahac, calling the Huron Relations, and Gandasto
each other brother and sister. H. gué in the later Iroquois Relations,

Lalemant, Relation de la Nouvelle
France (1639).

' ‘Phe two adopted were the Aren-
dah (revons) and Tohontaenrat (H.
Lalemant, Relation, 1639); Sagard
mentions only the former tribe
(Grand Voyage du pays des Harons,
p. 115), and ealls them Enarhonon,
or Renarhonon (Dictionnaire, Verbo
Nation).

*'This expression Onkwe Honwe,
is also used by the Iroquois, and
means true men. Cuog, Etudes
Philologiques sur quelques Langues
Sauvages, Montreal, 1866, p. 13.
8'he Andastouez (Andasto,e, in

where the Iroquois dialect is used
giving the guttural as y) were so
called from andasta, a roof-pole.
Hence Creuxius, on his map, calls
them Natio Perticarum, and places
them on the Susquehanna. They
were the Susqnehannas, known also
as Minquas and Conestogas. (See
Historical Magazine, vol. ii., p. 294).
Campanius has preserved a vocabu-
lary in his Nya Sverige (Stockholm,
1702), p. 180.

4 Charlevoix, Journal, p. 189.

5The fullest discussion of these
families is in Morgan, League of
the Iroquois (Rochester, 1851.)

ats

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

marking here, that the uniformity on this point which
prevailed throughout the whole nation, and those sprung
from it, at the time of the discovery of Canada, is a proof
that if the three families are not branches of the same stem,
their union is at least of very high antiquity, and dates
anterior to the separation of the Troquois and Hurons.

The country occupied by the Hurons at the beginning
of the last century, had Lake Erie on the south, Lake
Huron on the west, and Lake Ontario on the east. It is
situated between the forty-second and forty-fifth degrees
of north latitude." There was quite a number of towns,
and the whole nation comprised from forty to fifty thou-
sand souls, although even then greatly diminished by its
wars with the Iroquois. This country is not, generally
speaking, the most fertile in all New France, but there
are districts extremely so; and if it was sufliciently peo-
pled, as our best provinces are, it would easily, if well cul-
tivated, support all the inhabitants. Moreover, the air
there is very healthy. We long kept quite a number of
Frenchmen there, who suffered much from hunger and
other hardships incident to war, but not one died of dis-
ease, and very few in fact were sick.

There are extensive prairies there which would bear
wheat and all other grains that might be sowed; the
forests ave full of very fine trees, especially cedars of pro-
digious size, and high in proportion. The country is well
irrigated, and the water is very good. There are stones
there, it is said, that melt like metal, and have some veins
of silver; but I do not know how much eredit is to be
given to what we read in some Relations about two sin-

1 This istoo great an extent forthe or eight wide. Brebeuf (Relation,
Turon country, Sagard (Grand Voy- 1685, p. 83) says: “It is not large ;
age, p. 113) and Bressani (Breve Re- its longest extent may be traversed
latione, p. 5) put it 444° N. In the in three or four days.’ Du Creux,
Relation of 1689 (p. 50) Father Je- in his map, locates it exactly. Fa-
rome Lalemant puts it at 454°, and ther Martin and Mr, Taché have ex-
says that their country was twenty plored it accurately, and identified
or tweuty-five leagues long by seven most of the village sites.

Extent and
nature of

the Huron
country.

>

74

1634.
—_—_——_

Cham-
plain’s rea-
sons for
planting a
colony
among the
Hurons,

And the
missiona-
ries to make
it the centre
of their mis-
sions.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCB.

gular animals peculiar to this country and not found else-
where. One is a bird that mews like a cat; the other a
kind of hare that sings like a bird, and has a very delicate
flesh.’

Champlain had for several reasons wished missionaries
to accompany the Hurons to their towns. He believed
these Indians better fitted than the rest to accredit
Christianity. By missions he wished to prepare the way
for a settlement, which he projected in their country,
situated very advantageously for trade, and from which it
would be very easy, by means of the lakes, that almost
encircle it, to continue exploration to the extremity of
North America. It was, finally, easy to bind closely to
the French a nation from whom we had apparently much
to fear and to hope in the consolidation and progress of
the French colony. No project could be more wise. The
misfortune of New Frauce was, that its founder was taken
away at the very time when it most needed his experi-
ence, and that his successors either did not enter into his
views, or were not in a position to carry them out, nor
consequently enable the Huron nation to regain, while it
was yet time, that superiority in arms which the Iroquois
had already begun to acquire over them.

The missionaries, on their side, were persuaded that by
fixing the centre of their mission in a country which was
at the same time the centre of Canada, it would be easy
for them to bear the light of the gospel to all parts of this
vast continent; and nothing would have prevented the
execution of this project, if Champlain’s plan had
always been followed. Several nations had already
begun to trade with us, the Montagnez below Quebec,
the Algonquins above, in the neighborhood, and in an
island formed by the great Ottawa river above Montreal ;
and the rest, under the name of Nipissings or Nipis-

| Bressani, p. 7; Relation (1634), max), or more probably the prairie
p. 36. The catbird (turdus felivor) squirrel (spermophilis Branklinii).
and the woodehuck («retomy's vio- Patent Report, 1856, Agrie., p. £0.

Z

i
|

_

yal

/

(gto

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

siriniens, around a lake of the same name; and finally,
the Ottawas, who were scattered at various points along
the river, of which they claimed to be absolute masters,
to such an extent that they had established a toll on all
sanoes ascending or descending.

It only remained to gain the Iroquois, and the point
was of infinite importance. Success would have been
comparatively easy, if, at first, these Indians had seen us
strong enough to impose the law upon them, or at least
turn the scale in favor of their antagonists, who were our
allies. A thousand men maintained in the Huron coun-
try, with three or four forts, would have been enough ; but
the necessity was not perceived till it was too late.' The
opportunity of bringing the Iroquois to terms, and per-
haps binding them to us forever, was all the better then,
as they had not yet had any intercourse with the Dutch
settled near them,’ and our allies were well disposed to
unite in a last effort against them.

The present object was to introduce missionaries among
the Hurons, and those appointed to begin this good work
impatiently waited the return of some Indians who had
promised to come for them. They arrived at last, but so
few in number and so badly equipped that it was very
evident that they did not intend to keep their word.
They did not omit, however, to betoken great good-will at
first ; but, when asked to fulfil the promise, they excused
themselves on the ground of their being so fatigued with
their voyage that they would scarcely have strength to
carry back their canoes empty.

1 Charlevoix speaks of this as an
easy matter; but a simpler way
than his large force and forts in the
Huron country would have been for
France to take possession of New
Netherland, as the English subse-
quently did. The Troquois, then de-
pendent on the French for trade,
would have tomake terms. Canada,

along valley, presenting to a foe
a weak flank, easily pierced, can
never be strong. The possession of
New York was essential.

2'The first treaty between the
Dutch and Mohawks, at Norman’s
Kill, was in 1618 (O'Callaghan, New
Netherland, i., p. 78), The Mohawks
obtained firearms as early as 1621.

Fathers de
Brebouf
and Daniel
reach their
country.

1634.
ys

Father Da-
vost follows
them. Their
sutterings
on the way,

Aug. 5,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

Tt was in vain that the Fathers removed this difficulty
by offering to embark with no luggage but simply their
chapel service, and to help them paddle ; for nothing puts
men alleging a false motive to conceal ill-will in worse
humor, than a reasonable proposition to which there is no
reply. The Hurons at last evinced their unfriendliness by
a formal stubborn refusal. Tt was only by dint of persua-
sions and presents, made with more zeal than prudence,
that they were induced to consent to give a place in their
canoes to Fathers de Brebeuf and Daniel and their serv-
ant. Father Davost, who was to accompany them, was
forced to await another opportunity.’

He did not wait long: three canoes of Hurons having
come to Three Rivers a few days later, he was taken on
the terms offered by himself and the other two Fathers,
and these Indians took good care that they were strictly
fulfilled. Two Frenchmen embarked with Father Davost,*
and at the end of August reached their journey’s end,
where they found the two first Jesuits, who had arrived
three weeks before, but in a wretched plight. The surly
humor of their conductors had been augmented by sick-
ness, Which broke out among them on the route, and it
subjected them to many unpleasant moments. They were
even more than once in danger of being killed, or left
without food or guide in totally deserted spots.

Nor did the Hurons show any indulgence in exacting
the promise to paddle,—a very painful exercise, when kept
up long by one unaccustomed to it. Finally, one of them
lost part of his baggage, which was stolen.” The Hurons
had already, in the minds of the French, a reputation as
bold and adroit thieves. They are not alone now; and even
among those in whom you find most disinterestedness and

* Relation de la Nouvelle France (1634), p. 90 ; Relation (1685), p. 25;
(1634), pp. 88, 89; Brebeuf, Relation Creuxius, p. 158.
(1635), p. 24; Creuxius, Historia ® Relation de la Nouvelle France
Canadensis, p. 158. (1655), pp. 25, 26; Creuxius, Historia
* Relation dela Nouvelle France Canadensis, pp. 160-2.

tea

=

MISTORY OF NEW FRANCE, 77

fidelity, you must always except eatables,—too tempting an 1635.
object for the ever hungry savage, accustomed to view as ~~
common property whatever is necessary for life.’
These preliminaries were not, it would seem, such as to First por-
e.% ° 4 ‘ manent
augur well for the success of the missionaries’ undertaking. — mission
Those religi . ‘thel ‘ded : favor among the
These religious were, nevertheless, regarded quite favor- ~jurous,
ably in the towns which they visited ; but this did not pre-
vent them, in the midst of a capricious and ferocious
people, without support or resource, and according to the
expression of Christ, like sheep amid wolves, from having
much to suffer, and being in almost constant danger of
their lives. But to apostolic men these are but the assured
pledges of an abundant harvest, and, full of confidence in
the promises of the Lord of the vineyard, they thought
only of putting their hands to the work. Taking up
their residence in a town called Thouhatiri,’ they began by August 5.
erecting a little chapel, which they dedicated to St. Joseph,
and even gave tlio town the name of that holy patriarch.
The fruit of their labors during the first year was not Obstacles to
. F : the conver-
very great—they were confined to the baptism of five or sion of the
A F ° . Indians,
six adults ;* but they were consoled by the happiness which
they had in assuring the etornal salvation of a great
number of children, who expired almost immediately after
receiving the robe of justice. The difficulty experienced
by these missionaries in converting the Hurons did not
flow from their difficulty in obtaining a hearing, or even
an admission that the Christian religion was based on
reason. In fact, a savage must not be regarded as con-
vinced as soon as he seems to approve the statements
made him, because in general they dis! xe nothing so much
as disputes; and sometimes, from mere complacency, some-
times from some interested motive, more frequently from
indolence and sloth, they give every mark of perfect con-

'Sagard, Histoire du Canada, p. 30; Creuxius, Hist. Canad., pp. 162,
409; Brebeuf, Relation (1686), p. 163. Caragouha of Champlain, Voy.
120; Bressani, Breve Rela,, p, 13. 1619. (Md. Laverdicre, p. 28.)

2 Thonatiria, Relation (1685), p § Relation (1635), pp. 387, 88.

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78 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1635. viction in matters which they have not paid the slightest
—r~— attention to, or in fact understood.

They have been seen to frequent our churches for years
with an assiduity, modesty, exterior reverence, and every
mark of sincere desire to know and embrace the truth;
then draw off, saying coldly to the missionary, flattered
with the hope of soon begetting them in Christ: “Thou
hadst no one to pray with thee. I took pity on thy lone-
liness, and wished to keep thee company : now that others
are inclined to render thee the sa.ze service, I retire.”
This instance I heard from a missionary to whom it had
happened at Michillimakinac. I have even read some-
where that some carried dissimulation or complacency so
far as to ask and receive baptism, and fulfil for a time,
with edification, all the duties of Christianity ; then declare
that they had done so only to please the missionary, who
had pressed them to change their religion.

On the other hand, the refusal of these barbarians to sub-
mit to the truths announced to them, is not always a proof
that they are not convinced. Some have been met who
had no doubt left as to the most incomprehensible articles
of our faith, and who publicly avowed it, but would not
listen to any suggestion of their conversion. Deplorable
obduracy, but which should excite our surprise the less,
from our daily seeing examples of it in the very bosom of
Christendom. As an Iroquois lay on his death-bed, some
fire fell on the robe which covered him. As he saw them
endeavoring to extinguish it, he said: “It is not worth
while. I know that I shall burn for all eternity ; whether
it begins a little sooner or a little later, is not worth all the
trouble you are taking.” Old missionaries have assured
me that these cases of despair are not as rare as would
naturally be supposed.’

But it was not so svon that such testimonies in favor of

1 These cases are given,apparently, voix does not seem to quote any
from oral information, as Charle- authority.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

the truth were extorted from the very lips of those who
closed their eyes to the light; or that the missionaries
saw it triumph over the prejudices of birth and education
among gross and superstitious tribes. Even for a long
time true and solid conversions were very rare. It was
only in patience that the Saviour promised to the preach-
ing of the gospel an abundant harvest; and the mission-
aries of Canada understood from the outset the necessity
of this virtue, by their repeated experience of the duplicity
and other defects of the tribes confided to their vigilance
and zeal.

At first some Hurons took a stand which perplexed the
missionaries, ‘ You tell us very fine stories,” said one of
them to Father Brebeuf, “and there is nothing in what
you say that may not be true; but that is good for you
who come across the seas. Do you not see that, as we in-
habit a world so different from yours, there must be
another heaven for us, and another road to reach it?”'
Firm in this position, and to all that the missionaries said
to convince them of its extravagance opposing only argu-
ments too absurd to be seriously refuted, they gave no
hope of conversion but that which is the fruit of confi-
dence in God. It is in such circumstances that an apos-
tolic laborer feels sensibly that it belongs only to Him,
who has fashioned the heart of man, to touch and change
it. This knowledge humbles him, and humiliation pre-
pares him to become a fit instrument to execute the
miracles of the grace of Jesus Christ.

To the obstacles inherent in the disposition of these
people, and those formed by their passions, must be added
external ones; and the most difficult of these to overcome
were those raised by the medicine men.’ These charlatans,
fearing to lose the estimation acquired by the exercise of
their art if the missionaries gained credit in the country,

1 Relation do la Nouvelle France nepin, Les Moura desSauvag., p. 101.
(1635), p. 84. See 1637, p. 187; Hen- ® Bressani, Breve Relatione, p. 62.

79

1635.
—_—~—

Conduct of
the Hurons
towards
them.

Efforts of
the medi-
cine men to
prevent the
progress of
the faith.

1635.

Other diffi-
culties,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

undertook to render them odious and contemptible ; and at
first they succeeded without much exertion, not only be-
cause they had to deal with an extremely superstitious
and suspicious nation, but also because many had already
got it into their heads that the religion of the French did
not suit them, and would even be fatal to them, if it was
established in their midst.’

The medicine-men, therefore, easily succeeded in throw-
ing suspicion over all the actions of the Fathers, and
especially their prayers, which they represented as witch-
craft ; so that those religious were obliged to hide, in order
to say their breviary and perform their other devotions.
Independent of this unfortunate prejudice, it required them
to effect an almost complete reform in the ideas of a people
jealous of its reputation for being better thinkers than
others ; to impose severe laws and strict obligations on
men whose ideal of glory and happiness was to be ham-
pered in nothing. If we call to mind all the obstacles that
heart-rooted libertinage, so hard to conquer when it has
known no check, raised to the holy maxims of Christianity
in the savages, who knew no rules but those of a perverted
reason, and a nature accustomed to obey every inclination,
—then we can understand the position of the three stran-
gers, to whom men such as I have depicted, already
began to ascribe all their misfortunes.’

It is true that the Hurons were then in a very sad
position ; for this nation, so flourishing of old, and which
had, time out of mind, been regarded as the mistress of
the others, now not only scarcely ventured to take the
field against the Iroquois, but was also a prey to diseases,
which finally depopulated their land. With well-consti-
tuted minds, capable of rising above prejudice, nothing
would have been more easy than to profit by these ac-

' Relation de la N. F., 1765, p. 35. ond part to the difficulties which
? Relation de la Nouvelle France beset the missionaries (pp. 29-71).
(1686), p. 88. Father Bressani, in Compare le Clercq, i., p. 279 ; Henne-
his Breve Relatione, devotes his sec- pin, Les Moeurs des Sauvages, p. 100.

a ere

ee

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

cumulated misfortunes to turn them to the Author of all

81

1635.

good ; but the Hurons, persuaded that the presence of the “~~~

missionaries was the crowning evil, replied to every argu-
ment brought forward to convince them of the superiority
of the God of the Christians over the spirits whom they
adored: “Every nation has its gods: our misfortune is
to have gods weaker than yours, and unable to prevent
our destruction.”

To heal their imagination on this point, during a drought
which threatened the country with a general famine,
Father de Brebeuf invoked the Almighty, and his prayer
was followed by abundant rain. He did the same on an-
other occasion, and with similar success.? These wonders
for some time arrested the murmurs. The great number
of dying children, who were seen to be baptized and die
immediately, had also led these poor blinded people to
consider baptism as a spell cast by the Fathers on the
children to kill them; but it happened that some sick
people, whose cure was beyond all hope, recovered perfect
health as soon as they received the sacrament of regen-
eration, and these unexpected cures recalled the better dis-
posed, but only for a short time: the impression made on
their minds by these marvellous events was soon effaced,
and the work was always to be begun anew.

Sometimes the profound ignorance of these savages,
which made them so frequently attribute to supernatural
causes many things in which there was nothing to exceed
the powers of nature, led them to the opposite extreme ; as
happens to those who, for fear of being over-credulous,
rush into an incredulity that reason itself disavows. But
these changes in minds arraying themselves irrationally,
and with no certain rule, against religion, were not fre-
quent among a people who care little for what does not
strike the senses; and the troubles and disgust of the

' Relation de la Nouvelle France ? Bressani, Breve Rel., p. 63 ; Rel.
(1636), p. 83. de la Nouvelle France (1636), p. 83.
Vou, II. - 6

-

Wonders

wrought,

and their
effect.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

apostolical laborers arose almost always from the.r exces-

—v~" sive credulity.

Every thing that the Indians saw in the hands of the
missionaries, but of which they did not know the use, was,
according to them, a charm intended to draw down on
them death or misfortune. The missionaries had to keep
locked up the most trifling articles belonging to the
chapel, and they were even cbliged to put out of sight a
clock and a weather-cock, the former of which the Indians
said brought death, and the other always bad weather ;'—a
deplorable excess, doubtless, but less criminal before God
than the blindness which draws so many pseudo-savants
into irreligion, if we consider the ignorance which urged
on these barbarians, devoid of all the natural knowledge
by means of which they might have risen, with the grace
of Christ, to know the Author of nature.

The firmness and magnanimity of which the three re-
ligious gave striking proofs amid the perils that surrounded
them, the sound arguments they employed to reach the
capacity of their hearers, their natural and palpable ex-
planations of every thing which they saw excite the least
suspicion, and the unwavering patience with which they
endured the most shameful treatment, in time dissipated
the unfavorable impressions against them, and they not
only succeeded in calming the first fury of a people whom
the satellites of Satan never ceased to irritate and envenom
against them, but even acquired a great ascendency over
their minds. This, however, came only by degrees, and
after many years of suffering.

Father de Brebeuf was one day called before a general
council. His reception there convinced him that his death
was decided. He was first reproached with all the evils
endured by the nation since his arrival in the country ; and
they attempted to prove that these evils could have no

1 Bregsani, Breve Relatione, p. 64; Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, pp.
Relation de la Nouvelle France 172, etc.; Marie de 1’Incarnation,
(1638), p. 87; Relation (1640). p.55; Lettres Historiques, p. 8.

eo

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

other cause than his witchcraft and that of his companions.
The servant of God, wishout betraying any alarm at the
danger in which he stood, first explained the general prin-
ciples of Christian doctrines. He then proved that the
scourgos, which had for some time visited them, might well
be strokes of the justice of the God whom he preached ;
that this God, who was sanctity itself, thereby punished
the disorders prevalent among them, and, jealous of his
glory, chastised their obstinate refusal to acknowledge
Him as their Creator and Sovereign Lord.

Some wished to reply, but he silenced them by showing
the absurdity of their principles. He then resumed his
discourse, and said that before Jesus Christ had been
announced to them there might be some excuse for their
infidelity ; but as they could no longer pretend ignorance,
they would be inexcusable if they persisted in their obsti-
nacy ; that till then, God, good as he was just, had chas-
tened them as a father ; that perhaps he would weary, and
take a rod of iron which would crush them. Then many
begged him to instruct them. He did so, and spoke at
length. They seemed to listen with pleasure, although no
one expressed conviction. As he left the cabin, he was
surprised to see one of those who on all occasions had most
openly declared against the Christian religion, fall toma-
hawked at his feet. Thinking the blow was intended for
him, he stopped, and asked whether they had not mistaken.
“ No,” replied the one who dealt the blow, “ this wretch was
a sorcerer, of whom it was deemed time to free the village.”

1635.

Some time after, these vexations broke out more furi- Now perse-

ously than ever; and this new persecution was caused by
some Indians who, returning from the neighborhood of
Manhattan, declared that the Europeans’ settled in those

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France 1640; Brebeuf, Letter, May 20, 1637;
(1638), p. 37; Bressani, Breve Rela- Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p.
tione, pp. 65, 66; Garnier, Lettres 226, ete.

In¢dits (1688); Marie de l’Incarna- 2The Dutch—Charlerotz. Man-
tion, Lettres (1688), September 18, hatte is almost nlways employed by

cution ap-
peased at
first.

84

1635.
—_——

The word

of God be-
ginsto fruc-
tify among
the Hurons.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

parts had warned them to beware of the French religious,
who were pernicious men, spreading trouble and desola-
tion everywhere, and for that reason not tolerated in
Holland. But the storm did not last. The wisest of the
Hurons, who had begun to open their eyes, showed that,
in so important a matter, they should judge by what they
saw ; that prudence required them to examine the charac-
ter and conduct of men to whom so much evil was im-
puted, and in whom, as yet, nothing was seen which re-
sembled the odious description given by strangers, who
were probably their enemies.’

‘But what more than all else gave room to believe that
the day of mercy was about to dawn for the Huron nation,
was that the afflictions, which had been hitherto a stum-
bling-block in the way of religion, began to prepare them
for impressions of grace. If nothing proves its divinity
better than this power to elicit acknowledgment of it in
adversity, those who preach the faith to the heathen have
no more sensible mark that God has taken possession of
their hearts, than when he draws them to him by the way
of tribulation. The presentiments of the missionaries
were just, and their hopes well grounded. Many of the
most esteemed chiefs in the nation declared in favor of the
Christian religion, and solicited baptism with much ear-
nestness. But great as were the advantages to be hoped
for from such conquests, the Fathers deemed it unwise to
yield so easily to the desires of these new proselytes. The

French writers of the seventeenth 59. They may be the Antouohono-
and eighteenth centuries to signify ron, attacked by Champlain in 1615.
New York. Bressani (in his Breve Some have supposed that they gave
Relation, p. 67) says that Indians name to Lake Ontario, but this is aa
from the country of the Ouenronro- error. Ontara, in Huron and Iroquois
nons, who had traded with the Eng- (Sagard, Dict.; Hennepin, Nouv. Déc.,
lish, Dutch, and other Protestants, p. 31; Bruyas, Racines, etc.), means
so stated. As to these Wenron, see a lake; Ontariio, beautiful lake.

Champlain (ed. 1682, p. 129), where ' Relation de la Nouvelle France
he speaks of the Ouentouoronons, (1638), p. 36; Bressani, Breve Rela-
friends of the Iroquois: Creuxius, tione, p. 67; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
Hist. Canad., p. 238; Rei. (1639), p. nadensis, p. 229.

-

Sk asi

2 IRE wie

SOE wnt

‘

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 85

more capable they were of contributing by their influence to 1635-6.
the conversion of others, the more necessary it was deemed “~r—”
to try them, and be assured of their constancy,’

They instructed them thoroughly, so as to enable them why the
to give a reason for their faith, and meet difficulties that Darts of
might be raised ; for it must not be supposed that the mis- ¥ !¢

sionaries had only to contend with brutality and absurd ii
prejudices in the Indians. Even if these people had not

all the solidity of mind and good sense attributed to them

by those who have had most intercourse with them, the
experience of all times and countries shows that, as the
weakest men find strength, in a pressing need, to defend
themselves against an unjust aggressor, so the least pene-
trating minds never lack specious reasons for declining to

yield when pressed to receive a doctrine against which all

their passions revolt. Hence, I have heard old mission-

aries assert frequently that Indians had made to them all

the objections raised by the most learned Greeks and
Romans against the first apologists of Christianity.’

Three things especially tended to free the Hurons from what ren-

. . : . . . Jers thi
their prejudices, and arm them against the seduction which peopiemore

had so long kept them in error. In the first place, they 4°"
made solid reflections on the sanctity of the religion
preached to them, and on the purity of its moral code.
The missionaries were extremely surprised to hear them
express themselves on these two points, as men who had
overlooked none of the maxims and principles of Chris-
tianity, but saw clearly the connection between these prin-
ciples and the consequences which their instructors de-
duced from them. In the second place, they soon con-
ceived a high idea of these religious, and never wearied in
admiring their ability, prudence, and the justness and
force of their arguments. The great examples of virtue
which they saw them practise, made still greater impzes-

' Bressani, Breve Relatione, p. 2 Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
69. p. 280.

86

1635-6,

—_—_—

Huron
missions,

They carry

their pre-

caution too
fur.

Character of
other na-
tions,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

sion on them, They were especially struck with their
courage and disinterestedness, and with their contempt
of life. It did not seem reasonable to believe that such men
were mistaken in the affair of religion. In the third
place, they agreed that one must have lost all sense to
imagine that men who had no interest in leading them into
error would, merely to do it, have undertaken such long
voyages, run such risks, exposed themselves to so much
hardship, exiled themselves so far from friends and kin-
dred to spend their days with unknown tribes, and remain
there in spite of the cold welcome they had received and
the manner in which they continued to be treated. These
reflections, made at first only by a few individuals, less
rooted in prejudice, soon spread to the masses, and sud-
denly changed the face of affairs; but the missionaries
had yet another reason for acting cautiously with this
people, and pot receiving into the number of neophytes all
who presented themselves.

This was the reluctance which most evinced to renounce
practices, indifferent in themselves, but suspected by the
missionaries as not exempt from superstition. These In-
dians in vain protested that they did not acknowledge any
thing supernatural in them. All appeared suspicious in a
dissembling nation, borne by an almost irresistible bent to
attribute every thing to spirits. After all, laudable as
mistrust and strictness are in this matter, they should not
be excessive. Missionaries afterwards admitted that they
had carried their precautions somewhat too far, and had
thus retarded the work of God.

What was done in the Huron country to establish the
faith, or at least prepare the Indians for it, was done also
at Three Rivers, which began to be the rendezvous of the
northern nations, in the neighborhood of Quebec, and at
Tadoussac, to draw into the bosom of the Church the Al-
gonquins, the Montagnez, and in general all with who1a
the French had any intercourse. The difficulties were
everywhere about equally great at first, but differed

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

according to the various dispositions of the tribes whom
they undertook to instruct. Much superstition in all:
here more rudeness, but more simplicity ; more extray-
agances to contend with, but more ease in suppressing
them ; harder minds, but hearts more docile ; more hard-
ships and labors, especially when forced to follow the In-
dians in their winter hunts,' but less risks to run. There
was, too, less to combat in order to persuade these latter !
but more resource was found in the reflection and penetra-
tion of the former. Moreover, the nomadic life of the Al-
gonquin tribes prevented any calculation on individuals,
and an absence of some months often ruined the labors of
several years,

Grace operated, moreover, very differently in the two
nations. It found in the Hurons more rebellious hearts, but
more constancy in good, when once en:hraced. They gave
more hope of continued progress, but it was slower. The
Algonquins offered to grace a heart more easily moulded,
and presented obstacles more easily removed ; but it found
less solidity and less disposition for great virtues. Grace
triumphed over both, and corrected their defects; but it
cost the sweat and the blood of many of those whom she
employed to work out the wonderful change.’

Meanwhile, New France was settled from day to day,
and piety increased with the number of its inhabitants.
Nothing perhaps contributed more to this happy progress
than an establishinent commenced in the year 1635. Ten

87

1635-6.
—_——

Algonquin
missions,

Progress of
religion,

Foundation

of the Col-

lege of Que-
bec.

years before—that is to say, at the time when the Jesuits

first went to Canada—René Rohault, eldest son of the
Marquis de Gamache, having obtained the consent of his
family to enter the Society of Jesus, his parents, who
loved him tenderly, and learned from his own lips that he
ardently desired to see a college founded at Quebec,

1 Le Jeune, in Relation de la Nou- ®See the Relations in general,
velle France, 1634, p. 51; Bressani, 1633 to 1639; Bressani, Breve Relat. ;
Breve Relatione, p. 55. Le Clercq, Relat. de la Gaspesie, ete.

88

HISTORY OF

NEW FRANCE,

1635-6. wished to gratify his wishes on this point also, They wrote
—r— to Father Mutius Vitelleschi, general of the Jesuits, and
offered him six thousand gold crowns for this foundation.
The donation was thankfully received, but the capture of
Quebec by the English suspended the execution of the

Firat effect
of this foun-
dation,

Death of
Charoplain,

project.’

It was necessary then to wait some time till the capital
had taken form and the colonists were in a condition to

profit by this establishment.

The affair was finally com-

menced in the month of December, 1635; but the joy it
gave was soon troubled by the loss of its governor, which

the French colony sustained

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1641, p. 56; Relation, i686, p. 4.
Creuxius (Historia Canadensis, p. 7)
gives the letters of Father Mutius
Vitelleschi, establishing Nicholas Ro-
haut, Marquis de Gamache, Baron of
Longroy and Hincheville, Seigneur
of Beauchamp, Mareuil, and Bon-
nincour, ete, and his wife, Frances
Mangot, founders of the college,
Creuxius gives the amount as six-
teen thousand gold crowns, This is
supported by de Belmont (Histoire
du Canada, Quebee, 1840, p. 1), and
bya manuscript list of benefactors
of the Canada mission, in the hand-
writing of Father Ragueneau, “ Mar,
15, 1626, Marquis de Gamache,
48,000 livres,”

* Champlain died December 25,
1685, after an illness of two months
and a half (Relation de la Nouvelle
France, 1636, p. 56; Creuxius, His-
toria Canadensis, p. 183). He was
born at Brouage, in Xaintonge, in
1567 or 1570, of a respectable family,
his father being styled noble. Dur-
ing the civil wars he fought for the
king in Brittany, under d’Aumont
de St. Lue and Brissac (Faillon, His-
toire de la Colonie Francaise, vol. 1,
note xxi., p. 550). His uncle held a

He died at

a few days after.

Quebec this same year, generally and justly regretted.’

high rank in the Spanish navy ; and
Champlain had just returned from o
voyage to Mexico in the Spanish
service when he was induced to sail
to New France, with which his after-
carcer was identified, and in which
he was laid, after many years of
adventure and struggle, He mar-
ried Helen Boullé, sister of a fellow-
navigator, who, though at the
time a Protestant, returned to
the ancient faith, and, on her hus-
band’s death, became an Ursuline
nun, under the name of Mother
Helen de St, Augustine, She died
at Meaux, December 20, 1654, at the
age of fifty-six, in a convent which
she had founded (Cronique de
V’Ordre des Ursulines; Les Ursu-
lines de Quebee, p. 352), ‘They left
no issue, the only heir appearing to
claim any right in his estate being
a cousin, Champlain wrote a jour-
nal of his voyage to Mexico, of
which a tolerable translation has
been published by the Hakluyt So-
ciety ; Des Sauvages, 1603; Voy-
ages, 1613; Voyages, 1619; Voy-
ages, 1632. A copy of his portrait
by Moncornet is here given, For
the discovery of his tomb, see note
at end of this volume,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

89

Mr. de Champlain was, beyond contradiction, a man of 1635-6.

merit, and may well be called tHe Farner or New France,

_——

He had good sense, much penetration, very upright views, Champlain,

and no man was ever more skilled in adopting a course in
the most complicated affairs, What all admired most in
him was his constancy in following up his enterprises ; his
firmness in the greatest dangers ; a courage proof against
the most unforeseen reverses and disappointments ; ardent
and disinterested patriotism ; a heart tender and compas-
sionate for the unhappy, and more attentive to the inter-
ests of his friends than his own; a high sense of honor,
and great probity. His memoirs show that he was not
ignorant of any thing that one of his profession should
know ; and we find in him a faithful and sincere historian,
an attentively observant traveller, a judicious writer, a
good mathematician, and an able mariner.

But what crowns all these good qualities is the fact,
that in his life, as well as in his writings, he shows himself
always a truly Christian man, zealous for the service ~‘
God, full of candor and religion, He was accustomed to
say, what we read in his memoirs, “that the salvation of
a single soul was worth more than the conquest of an
empire, and that kings should seek to extend their domain
in heathen countries only to subject them to Christ.” He
thus spoke, especially to silence those who, unduly preju-
diced against Canada, asked what France would gain by
settling it. Our kings, it is known, always spoke like
Champlain on this point; and the conversion of the
Indians was the chief motive which, more than once, pre-
vented their abandoning a colony the progress of which
was so long retarded by our impatience, our inconstancy,
and the blind cupidity of a few individuals, To give it a
more solid foundation, it only require? more respect for
the suggestions of Mr. de Champlain, and more seavon-
able relief on the part of those who placed him in his
position, The plan which he proposed was but too well
justified by the failure of opposite maxims and conduct.

90

1635-6.
—_—_—_—

Champlain.

College of
Quebec,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

Lescarbot reproaches him with credulity. It is the fault
of upright minds, and we cannot, in fact, overlook what he
says of the Gourou,' and the monstrous face of the Ar-
mouchiquois Indians.* He had been deceived by one Pre-
vert, of St. Malo, who often delighted in inventing such
stories, which he related with great assurance ; as when he
one day protested, in presence of Mr. de Poutrincourt, that
he had seen an Indian playing ball with the devil. He was
asked what shape this devil assumed, and he replied that
he had seen only the bat, which seemed to be moved by

an invisible hand. Champlain could not understand how

a man who had no interest in lyiny could do so in sport,
and actually believed Prevert’s story. As it is impossible
to be faultless, it is well to have only those faults that
would be virtuez were all men what they should be.’

To return to the college of Quebec, the Jesuits pro-
ceeded without delay to fulfil the obligations which they
had just contracted by accepting this foundation. They
felt all its importance, and, in fact, nothing could have been
more seasonable for the progress of the colony. Many
Frenchmen, certain of being able to give their sons an
education not attainable then in many towns in France,
settled in New France ;‘ and the Indians, who were duly im-
pressed with an idea of the advantage they might derive
from such an establishment, cume froin all parts in num-
bers to the neighborhood of Quebec.

As they were invariably well treated at the college by free
bestowal of food for the body, they were rendered docile
to receive that of the soul, and some cheerfully intrusted
their sons to persons who undertook to bring them up.’
By this means they were more and more civilized ; and as

' Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nou- * Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nou-
velle France (ed. 1618), pp. 397, 402. velle France, ed. 1613, p. 403.
Champlain, Des Sauvages, 1608, ch. 4 As to the origin of the settlers of
xii. xiii, Gougou, gourou, means this epoch, see Ferland, Notes sur
remorse of conscience. les Registres, p. 40.

? Champlain, Voy. (ed. 1613), p.8. 5 Relation dc la N. F., 1686, p. 44.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 9]
imum Se

they acquired affection for the French r :tion, they were
found better disposed to become good Christians. There
can be no doubt that, had it been possible to keep con-
stantly a number of Indian boys in this house, the pro-
gress of Christianity would have been more prompt and
durable among these people ; but the funds were not suffi-
cient to sustain this good work, and, besides, other and in-
superable difficulties arose subsequently, of which I shall
speak hereafter.

The good example of those whose position renders it
always efficacious when accompanied by wisdom and
power, also contributed to form true Christians in this
new colony. Mr. de Montmagny, who succeeded Mr. de
Champlain in the government of Canada,’ and Mr. de
Lisle, who corumanded at Three Rivers, both knights of
Malta, openly professed the piety which became their call-
ing, and showed a zeal for order to which their firmness
and exactitude insured success.” The divine service was
celebrated with all the pomp that the poverty of the set-
tlers permitted ; but piety and modesty are the true orna-
ments of the temple of a God who is jealous only of being
adored in spirit and in truth, and these virtues reigned
with lustre among the new settlers.

One of the first cares of the Chevalier de Montmagny,
after investigating the condition of his government, was
to regulate the seminary for Indian boys in the Jesuit
college.’ This had been projected the year before, and
it was deemed best to begin with the Hurons, among
whom several families had just embraced Christianity. It

' The government, till the arrival 1637, and reached Quebec June 10—
of Montmagny, was administered by 11: Ferland, p. 279; Fatilou, His-
Mark Anthony Bras-de-!er (de) Cha- toire de la Colonie Francaise, p. 289 ;
teaufort, governor of Three Rivers: Creuxius, Historia Capadensis, p.
Viger, Liste; Relation, 1686, p. 2; 203.

Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p. ? Relation de la Nouvelle France,
184; Ferland, Cours d'Histoire, i, 1636, p. 44; 1640, ». 41; 1687, p. 8.
p. 279. The Chevalier de Mont- 5 Relation “¢ la Nouvelle France,

magny was appointed March 10, 1687, p. 35.

1635-6,
—_—_—oe

Mr. de

Montmagny
Governor of

New
France,

Project of a

seminary

for Indian

boys.

—~—— enim. -

avs aia’ OD NEW Pp aA

1635-6, was considered, too, that they would be su s:auy hostages
, “=~ for the fidelity of their parents. The Huron Christians
were, accordingly, invited to send their children to Quebec,
to be instructed in the principles of religion and trained
in good habits. They made no objection at first, and
promised compliance ; but when the time for fulfilment
came, Father Daniel, who undertook to bring them, of all
the boys on whom they had reckoned, was able to embark
only three or four, whose parents were absent; and even
these few he got no further than Three Rivers, where
their parents meeting him, reclaimed them, although
they had consented to their journey. This conduct did
not surprise the missionaries, already aware of the exireme
attachment of these savages to their children, and their
invincible repugnance to parting with them.’

Anumber Father Daniel was too near Quebec not to visit it before
BL Bererse returning to his mission. A letter of Father le Jeune rep-
the Hurons. yesents him as arriving in a canoe, paddle in hand, accom-
panied by three or four Indians, barefooted, completely
exhausted, his breviary hanging to his neck, a shirt falling
to pieces, and a tattered cassock on his attenuated bedy,
but with a happy countenance, charmed with the life he
led, and, by his air and words, inspiring all with the desire
of sharing the crosses to which the Lord imparted so much
unction.” Many went, indeed, and before the end of 1636
they numbered six priests scattered in the different Huron

towns, to which several Frenchmen had followed them.°
The colony It was a favorable moment to plant a good settlement
lauguishes. in that country ; the interest of both Indians and French
required it. Mr. de Champlain had had nothing more at
heart, and the Chevalier de Montmagny, in this as in all
other respects, entered into his predecessor’s views, but he

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, ’They were six in May, 1637
1637, p. 55; Creuxius, Historia (Letter of Father de Brebeuf, May
Canadensis, p. 208, 20, 1637); Carayon, Documents In-

? Relation de la Nouvelle France, édits, xii, p. 161; but only three
1636, p. 71. early in 1637 (ib., p. 165).

+
Hy

. treal, 1850), which led to a reprint of Algonquins, Nipissings.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

Is..ced both men and means. Except the fur-trade, which,
though tolerably flourishing, enriched only the traders
and a few of the settlers, every thing languished for want
of aid: so that the annals of New France, during its early
years, treat almost exclusively of the apostolic labors of
the missionaries among the Indians, of which they give
very edifying accounts. These were at the time extremely
relished in France, but would find few readers now.'

It is not easy to see by what fatality a company as pow-
erful as that which controlled Canada, and regarding that
vast country as its domain, thus abandoned a colony of
which such great hopes had been conceived, and where the
wonderful concert of all the members composing it, the
only one perhaps in the New World showing such perfec-
tion, assured the success of any enterprise undertaken
there, had the hundred associates chosen to make the
necessary advances. Several nations had been flattered
with the hope that our alliance would enable them to re-
duce their enemies ; and it was the saddest point of all,
that this made them succumb the sooner, because, relying
on the aid expected from us, and which failed them in
their need, they were not sufficiently on their guard.’

The Iroquois, on their side, never slept, and, to give the
Hurons no time to profit by their union with the French,
they resorted to a stratagem which succeeded. This was
to divide them, and then annihilate them in detail. They
began by treating of peace with the body of the nation ;
then, under different pretexts, they attacked the towns more
remote from the centre, persuading the rest that these were
only private quarrels, in which they had no interest to in-
terfere. The Hurons did not open their eyes till, so to say,
they beheld at their doors a conquering enemy, whose very

'Their popularity has revived. all the Relations, in three vols. 80,
See Dr. O’Callaghan’s paper before Quebec, 1858.
the New York Historical Society ’ The tribes here referred to are
(Proceedings, 1847, pp. 140-58: Mon- the Hurons, Tionontates or Petuns,

93

1635-6.
—_—_—o’

The Tro-
quois de-
ceive the
Huror 9
a feigne
peace,

94 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1636. name filled the whole country with alarm. Then the Iro-
— >” quois raised the mask. The panic increased daily among
the Hurons, and they lost all judgment, to such an extent
that they could scarcely be recognized. Every step they
made was a mistake, and nothing now humbles the feeble
remnant of that nation so much as the remembrance of
their prodigious blindness.
Renewalof Immediately after Mr. de Champlain’s last expedition
the war, F ° : ° :

against these Indians, mentioned in the previous book,
they treated with the Huron nation ; and there is no doubt
that, had not that nation relied on the peace just con-
cluded, neither the French nor the missionaries would
have found them so haughty and indocile as they appeared
both before and after the capture of Quebec. Yet the
Iroquois soon renewed hostilities, but in the manner just
explained, declaring them to be only private quarrels ;
and the body of the nation was reassured on the faith of

a treaty which it had concluded with the Cantons.
At last, early in 1636,’ the Iroquois threw off the mask,
and appeared in arms in the midst of the Huron country.’
Yet this irruption did not succeed. The few French who
had followed the missionaries to those parts presented so
bold a front, that the enen.y judged it proper to retire.
This retreat made the Hurons relapse into their first se-
curity, and the Iroquois profited by it to persevere in the
plan of campaign which they had at first adopted. At
the end of the following year a re-enforcement of evangeli-
cal laborers reached St. Joseph, and they were enough to
assign one to each of the principal towns, and leave some

to make excursions among the neighboring tribes.’
ie oe These were made especially in the direction of Lake Ni-

the mis- pissing ; but Fathers Garnier and Chastelain, who were
slonaries,

'They attacked the Hurons as 3 Chastelain and Garnier went up:
early as 1634: Relation, 1634, p. Relation, 1637, p. 105; Letter of
88. Father de Brebeuf, May 20, 1687, in

? Relation de la Nouvelle France Carayon, Documents Inédits, xii., p.
1686, p. 94. 161.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

appointed, derived from their painful expedition only the
consolation of having suffered much and sent several chil-
dren to join the company of the spotless Lamb, by admin-
istering baptism to them as they were about to expire.’
Among the nations whom they visited, their memoirs note
the Byssiriniens.’ I have made every effort to ascertain
who these Indians were, and where they resided, and can-
not even ascertain to which of the two mother tongues,
the Huron or Algonquin, they belonged. This nation not
being mentioned after this time, was apparently then de-
stroyed by the Iroquois, like several others whose names
have reached us.’

The missionaries, undiscouraged by the fruitlessness of
these first excursions, continued the succeeding years,
almost invariably with the same want of success. They
were sent and went joyfully, sure at least of the merit of
obedience, and flattering themselves that it would at last

give fruit to their toil. They knew, moreover, that they

were accomplishing the promise of the Saviour of the
world, by preaching his gospel to every creature ; that
their ministry was confined to planting, watering, culti-

vating ; that the increase depended on God alone, and
does not affect the reward promised to the laborers whom
the Father of the family sends into his vineyard.‘

But what chiefly retarded the work of God in these re-
mote parts, was the blockade of the roads by the Iroquois,
who kept all these nations in alarm. In spite of all the
precautions taken by the Chevalier de Montmagny to con-
ceal the weakness of the colony, they were soon informed,

The Iro-
gues insult
hree Riv-
ers.

' Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1637, p. 73.

2 Tb., p. 150.

3 It may be, that in printing the
Relation, Byssiriniens was put for
Nipissiriniens ; for I find the Nipis-
sings, the real Algonquins, some-
times thus called —Charlev. There
is no doubt on the point. The Rela-

tion for 1637 (p. 150) says Bissirin-
iens or Sorcerers, which identifies
them as the Nipissiriniens—called
Askicouanehronon, or Sorcerers, by
the Hurons (Relation, 1639, p. 88;
1641, p. 81). The name is apparent-
ly Water Indians, nibish irini.

4See Relations Huronnes, 16387,
et seq.

96

1637.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

and not only lost all fear that the French would interfere

vm’ with their driving their enemies to the wall, but, in the

Epidemic
among the
Hurons.

month of August, 1637, five hundred of these Indians had
the boldness to come and insult the governor at Three
Rivers, where he was, and carry off before his eyes, with-
out his being able to prevent it, thirty Hurons coming
down to Quebee with a load of furs.’

The year 1638 began with the Huron missionaries in a
way to give hopes of harvest abundant enough to atone
for the sterility of previous years. The country was vis-
ited by an epidemic, which from one town soon spread to
all, and threatened the destruction of the whole nation.
It was a kind of dysentery, which, in a few days, hurried to
the grave all whom it attacked. The French were no more
exempt than the Indians, but they all recovered. This
produced two good effects: first, those Indians were un-
deceived who persisted in believing that every accident
that befell them was caused by witchcraft : this they could
not ascribe to the missionaries, seeing that even they did
not escape the malady : second, that the Indians learned
to treat the sick better than they had done, observing that
the French easily recovered by means of the treatment
they adopted ; for skilful as these people are in curing
wounds and fractures, they are unable to treat internal
diseases, which require attention and experience in the
‘physician, with patience and docility in the patient. Fi-
nally, the charity and generosity with which they beheld
the missionaries part with all their remaining remedies
and palliatives to relieve them, and the surprising cures
they effected, gained the hearts of those even who till then
had been loudest in their opposition.’

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, which Father Brebeuf gave, after the
1637, pp. 88, 89; Creuxius, Historia Indian fashion, his atsataion (death-
Canadensis. banquet): Relation, 1638, p. 44. 'The

* Relat. de la Nouv. France, 1638, following Relation (1639) does not
pp. 82-59. The year 1637 was the altogether justify the progress here
time of their great persecution, in indicated.

3
4

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

Tt was not in Canada only that an interest was taken in
the conversion of the heathen. The Jesuits, in their let-
ters to France, had represented that were they in a posi-
tion to relieve the wretchedness of many wandering Indians,
many would be gained to Christ ; that to effect this it was
only necessary to assemble all who could be induced to
lead a more s:dentary life, in order to accustom them
gradually to cultivate the ground and earn their food and
clothing by their labor and industry. ‘These representa-
tions induced many pious persons to enter into a holy
emulation to contribute to a work so vitally connected with
God’s glory. Whole communities in Paris and the prov-
inces imposed on themselves penitential works, and offered
public prayers to move heaven in favor of the Canada In-
dians.’

All the nobles of the court, the princesses of the blood,
the queen herself, entered into the missionaries’ views ;
and when these religious proposed to establish at Quebec
Ursulines and Hospital nuns, a great many sisters of the
two orders most earnestly solicited the preference when
the enterprise was to be carried out,’ capable as it was of
alarming those of their sex, and so new to their profes-
sion. But no one seconded more efficaciously the zeal of
the preachers of the gospel than the Commander de Sil-
lery. This nobleman, who embraced nothing more readily
than what would advance God’s glory, relished exceed-
ingly the project of an Indian town, as proposed to him
by the Jesuits, to be composed only of Christians and
proselytes, where they would be sheltered from the insults
of the Iroquois by the speedy succor they could obtain
from the French, and guarded against famine by the care
to be taken to make them cultivate the ground.’

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1638, p. 17; Letters of Sillery and
1635, p. 2; 16836, p. 3; 1639, p.6; Montmagny, in the Vie de l'illustre
Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p. Serviteur de Dieu, Noel Brulart de

22, Sillery, Chevalier de Malte, et Bailly
® Relation, 1687, p. 5. Commandeur Grand’ Croix dans

3 Relation de la Nouvelle France, l’ordre (120, Paris, 1843), pp. 71-4 ;
Von, I1.—7

97

1638,
—_——

Interest in
France in

the conver-
sion of the
Indians,

98

1638.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

With this view, he sent workmen to Quebec in 1637, and

—Y—’ recommended Father le Jeune, to whom he directed them,

Foundation to select an advantageous spot for the settlement.

of Sylleri.

The
superior conducted them, immediately after their arrival,
to a point four miles above the city, on the river, and
there they first began to prepare shelter for themselves.'
The place has since always borne the name of Sylleri.
These preparations, the object of which it had been deemed
inexpedient to disclose to the Indians, led some Montagnez
to conceive the idea of profiting by the new settlement ;
and they opened the matter to Father le Jeune, who as-
sured them that, for his part, they would have no difficulty
in obtaining their wish ; but he added that he could de-
cide nothing withcut the consent of the master of the set-
tlement.

He was, however, well aware of the commander’s inten-
tion ; but his experience made him consider this reserve
necessary with Indians, who easily persuade themselves
that what is too easily given is due to them or given from
motives of interest. The precipitate zeal which, ignorant
of the Indian character, led sometimes to an opposite

course, was sure to be followed by tardy regret.” The con-
sent of the Chevalier de Sylleri arrived the next year by
the return of vessels from France; and twelve’ large
Christian families took possession of the place intended

for them, and made it their home. They were not long
alone, and in a few years this settlement became a consid-

Letters of Father le Jeune (ib., pp. died Sept. 26, 1640. The church

164-6). “Sillery was born in Decem-
ber, 1577, his family being allied to
that of Villegagnon, already known
in this history. He was ambassador
to Madrid and also to Rome, living
in great splendor. He finally re-
nounced the world, and receiving
orders, lived in retirement. He was
a friend of St. Vincent de Paul and
St. Jane Frances de Chantal, and
greatly aided their good works. He

which he founded and was buried in
having been given to a Protestant
congregation, the Visitation nuns, in
1835, removed his body to their con-
vent in the Rue St. Etienne de Mont,
and subsequently to the Rue d’Enfer.

' Rel. de la Nouv. Fr., 1638, p. 17.

? Tb., p. 18.

3’ This should be two. The fam-
ilies of Negabamat and Nenaskou-
mat were the first: Rel., 1689, p. 19.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

erable town, composed of fervent Christians, who cleared
a pretty large tract, and were gradually formed to all the
duties of civil society.’

The neighborhood of Quebec and the exemplary conduct
of its people contributed not a little to ground the new in-
habitants of Sylleri in piety, and inspire them with a kind
of government suited to their character. All led a very
regular life, and most of them displayed a fervor which
filled old Christians with shame, ::pressing them with the
importance of not being outstripped in piety and regu-
larity by savage neophytes. All know how most colonies
in America were formed ; but we must do this justice to
New France, that the origin of almost all the families still
subsisting there is pure, and free from those stains which
opulence effaces with difficulty. Its first settlers were
either mechanics, who were always engaged in useful la-
bors, or persons of good family, who emigrated with the
sole view of living there in greater quiet, and preserving
more certainly their religion ; a thing impossible then in
many provinces of France, where the Huguenots were very
powerful. I fear contradiction on this point less, as I lived
with some of these first settlers, then almost centenarians,
their children, and many of their grandchildren, all most
worthy people, estimable for their probity, their candor,
and the solid piety which they professed, as well as for
their whitened locks and the remembrance of the services
which they had rendered the colony.’

Not but that in these first years, and still more as time
wore on, faces were met with of persons whom the involved
state of their affairs or misconduct had forced to leave
France, and others of whom the authorities sought to purge
the state and families; but as persons of these classes came
only in small bodies, and great care was taken not to leave
them together, the colonists had almost always the conso-

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, 2 Ferland, Notes sur les Registres
1639, p. 19. de Quebec.

99

1638,
—_——

Edifying
conduet of
the inhabit-
ants of Que-

beo,

100

1638,
—_—

Establish-
ment of the
Hospital
and Ursu-
line nuns,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

lation of soon seeing them reform, in consequence of the
good example before their eyes, and make a duty of the
necessity they were under of living like true Christians,
in a country where every thing allured them to good and
withdrew them from evil.’

Two things were still wanting to this well-regulated
colony, namely, a school for the instruction of girls and
a hospital for the treatment of the sick. The Jesuits had,
for some years, taken steps to obtain these two advan-
tages ; but they carried their views further. In soliciting
the foundation of a hospital, they had the design of aid-
ing the colonists, most of whom were poor and without
resource in sickness; but it was also their aim to win the
Indians more and more, by taking care of their sick in a
house entirely devoted to charity ;* and their project of
bringing over Ursulines from France contemplated the
education of little Indian girls, as well as that of the daugh-
ters of the French.

The former of these two projects was approved almost
as soon as proposed, and its execution experienced no de-
lay. The Duchess d’Aiguillon’ wished to be the foundress
of the Hotel-Dieu ;' and she applied to the Hospital nuns
of Dieppe for sisters suited for such an undertaking.
These pious recluses accepted with joy and gratitude so
beautiful an opportunity of sacrificing every thing they
held dear in the world to serve the sick poor in Canada,
All offered to go; all with tears asked to be selected ; but
only three were chosen, and they held themselves in readi-
ness to go by the first vessels.’

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, & Montauban, chez Jerosme Legier,
1636, p. 42; Ferland, Cours d’His- imprimeur du Roy, 1751, p. 2.

toire, pp. 274, 511. 5 Juchereau, Histoire de 1’Hotel-
? Relation de la Nouvelle France, Dieu, p. 4; Ragueneau, La Vie de la
1635, p. 2; 1636, p. 5. Mére Catherine de Saint Augustin,
3 Duchess d’Aiguillon, niece of Religievse Hospitaliere de la Miseri-
Cardinal Richelieu. corde de Quebec en la Nouvelle

4 Relation de la Nouvelle France, France, i Paris, Florentin Lambert,
1638, p. 2; 1639, p. 6; Juchereau M.DC.LXXI, p. 40.
Histoire de )’Hotel-Dieu de Quebec,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

The foundation of the Ursulines was attended with
greater difficulty, The Canada Company would not touch
it, deeming it, probably, not of such urgent necessity.
This affair had been more than once on the point of exe-
cution, and had always failed at the moment when success
seemed certain, At last a young widow of rank, Madame
de la Peltrie, came forward, whose plans were found more
practicable and whose courage was more constant.’ I
have related in another work,"* in detail, the wonderful cir-
cumstances that occurred, and the manner in which the
illustrious foundre.:s. after surmounting apparently invin-
cible obstacles, devoted her means and her person to the
good work, which Providence had shown her, and con-
firmed by a striking miracle.’

From Alengon, where she resided, she proceeded to
Paris, to settle the business of the foundation; then to
Tours, to obtain Ursuline nuns. Thence she drew the il-
lustrious Mary of the Incarnation, the Teresa of New
France, to use the expression of the greatest men of the
last century ; and Mary of St. Joseph, whom New France,
who possessed her for a little while, regards as one of its
tutelary angels. Thence she repaired to Dieppe, where she
had ordered a vessel to be chartered. There she acquired

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1639, p. 6.

2 Charlevoix, Vie de la Mire Ma-
rie de l'Incarnation, Institutrice &
premiere Superieure des Ursulines
de la Nouvelle France, & Paris, chez
Louis-Ant. homelin, MDCCXXIV,
p- 195, ete.

3 Mother St. Thomas, Life of Ma-
dame de la Peltrie (Magdalen de
Chauvigny), New York, 1859, p. 26,
etc.; Casgrain, Histoire de la Mére
Marie de 1’Incarnation, Quebec, 1864,
80, p. 207, etc. ; Choix des Lettres
Historiques de la Vénérable Mére
Marie de l’Incarnation, Clermont-
Ferrand, 120, 1857, p. 1, etc. Ma-

dame Magdalen de Chauvigny,
daughter of Mr. de Chauvigny, Sieur
de Vaubegon, was born at Alencon,
in 1603. At the age of seventeen
she married Charles de Cirival, Sei-
gneur de la Peltric, a gentleman of
the house of Touvoys, who died five
years after, When about carrying
out her Canadian project she went
through a formal marriage ceremony
with Mr. de Berniéres, treasurer of
France, so as to free herself from the
legal control of her family. She
never became an Ursuline, but de-
voted her life and services to them.
She died in the convent at Quebce,
Nov. 18, 1671, aged sixty-eight.

102

1639.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

a third Ursuline, and, on the 4th of May, 1639, she em-

—r— barked with the Hospital nuns and Father Bartholomew

Their re-
ception,

Their for-
vor,

Vimond, who was going out to succeed Father le Joune as
Superior-General of the Missions, and who was also con-
ducting a fresh supply of apostolic laborers, After a long
and dangerous voyage, this large party reached Quebec
on the Ist of August.’

Nothing was omitted to impress on the Indians how
much the French had their interest at heart, and the sal-
vation of their souls, when women even and young girls,
brought up in abundance and luxury, without shrinking
from the perils of the sea, left a pleasant, tranquil life to
come to instruct their children and take care of their
sick. The day when so many persons thus ardently de-
sired arrived was a holiday for the whole city ; all labor
ceased, and the shops were closed. The governor received
these heroines at the river-side, at the head of his troops,
who were under arms, and with the sound of cannon,
After the first compliments, he led them, amid the accla-
mations of the pec: le, to the church, where the Te Deum
was chanted in thanksgiving.’

These pious women, on their side, and their noble con-
ductress, in the first transport of their joy kissed the earth
for which they had so long sighed, which they promised
themselves to water with their sweat, and did not even
despair of dyeing with their blood. French mingled
with Indians, pagans even confounded with Christians,
for several days untiringly continued to make all resound
with their cries of joy, and give a thousand blessings to
Him who alone could inspire the feeblest of mankind with

' Charlevoix, Vie de la Mére Ma-
rie de l’Incarnation, pp. 255-63 ;
Chaumonot, Vie du R. P. Pierre
Joseph Marie Chaumonot, New York,
1858, p. 50, They came in a barque
commanded by James Vastel, Cap-
tain Bontemps commanding the
fleet: Les Ursulines de Quebec, de-

puis leur établissement jusqu’a nos
jours, Quebec, 1863, 80, i., p. 21.

* Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1639, p. 8; Charlevoix, Vie de la
Mére Marie de 1'Incarnation, p. 268 ;
Creuxius, Hist. Canad., p. 253. The
ofticial act of reception is given in the
Ursulines de Quebec, i., p. 21, n.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

such courage and fortitude. At the sight of the Indian
cabins, to which the nuns were conducted the day after
their arrival, they were seized with new transports of joy.
The poverty and untidiness prevailing in them all did not
repel them ; and a sight so capable of chilling their zeal
served only to give it new life. They evinced a great im-
patience to begin the exercise of their functions.’

Madame de la Peltric, who had never desired to be
rich, and who had so cheerfully become poor for Christ's
sake, could not refrain from saying that she wished to have
at her disposal enough to draw all the nations of Canada
to a knowledge of the true God; and she took a firm
resolution, which she observed her whole life, to spare
herself in nothing where the salvation of souls was to be
effected. Her zeal led her even to till the soil with her
own hands, to have wherewith to relieve the poor neo-
phytes. In a few days she had stripped herself of all she
had retained for her own use, so as to reduce herself to
want of actual necessaries, in order to clothe the children
brought to her almost naked ; and her whole life, which
was prolonged many years, was but a series of acts of the
most heroic charity. They have forever endeared her
memory to all New France, where the fruit of her good
work is perpetuated, to the great advantage of all that
colony.’

After the visits of which I have spoken, the nuns of
the two institutes embraced each other affectionately, and
then separated to enter their several cloisters, the Ursu-
lines at Quebec,’ and the Hospital nuns at Sylleri,' where

' Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1639, p. 8; Juchereau, Histoire de
VHotel-Dieu, p. 14; Charlevoix, Vie
de la Mére Marie de 1’Incarnation,
p. 264.

* Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1672, pp. 57, 65 ; Creuxius, Historia
Canadensis, pp. 255, 256.

* This first convent was in the
lower town, on the quay, a site now

occupied by a Mr. Blanchard: Les
Ursulines de Quebec, i., p. 27.
4 Relation de la Nouvelle France,

1639, p. 8. They did not go to Sil-
lery to reside, A house had been
commenced at Quebec ; but finding
it unsuitable, they occupied tempo-
rarily a new house, assigned to them
by the governor (Juchereau, Histoire
de I’Hotel-Dieu, pp. 15, 17).

Courage of
Madame de
la Peltrie,

First labors
of the nuns,

104 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1639. the number of Indians increased from day to day, and
—y— where they could zeadily receive the sick from the city and
country. Nothing could be more cramped or less furnished
than these convents. The servants of the Lord took
all the inconvenience for themselves, the sick and their
pupils experiencing none of it. Yet God wished to subject
both to the severest trials. The Ursuline seminary was
first attacked by small-pox,’ and an epidemic brought to
the hospital more sick than there were beds or even rooms
to put them in.’

These afflictions did not disconcert the nuns. They
provided for all in a way not easily conceived, and never
was seer more clearly what the power of charity can
effect. What surprised all was, that in such a prostration,
so extreme a change of life and climate, with coarse food,
great hardships, and the privation of all the comforts
which custom has made necessaries of life, these holy
women, incessantly amid the sick, long enjoyed, almost
without exception, perfect health,* and were able to add
to their painful labors the study of Indian languages.*

The Canada So much spiritual succur, arriving at once from France,
stllnes. could not but give a great impulse to religious affairs.
aati Great changes indeed took place among the Indians, and

it was only necessary to follow up these first steps to
bring most of the nations of Canada into the bosom of the
Church. The outlay made at Sylleri to gather the newly
converted and those who were anxious to be instructed ;
the two establishments just mentioned ; all the missions
re-enforced by unwearied men, who never spared them-
selves ; the piety and charity of the chief settlers, who
‘refused nothing to aid them, even to lending their own
beds for the use of the sick, made this one of those
precious moments which it is all-important to seize, and

! Charlevoix’s Life, p. 265 ; C -eux- 3The nuns all fell sick: Juche-
ius, p. 258; Les Ursulines dz Que- reau, p. 20.
bee, i, p. 29. 4Ib.,p.18; Les Ursulines de Que-
2 Juchereau, p. 19. bec, i, p. 28.

naples

j

partion Ss

Site tiv

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

which never return when allowed to pass without being
improved to the utmost.

Minds in France and America were certainly in the best
possible disposition to settle the colony and establish all
branches of trade that so good a foundation could pro-
duce ; but the Company of a Hundred Associates remained
in a perfectly inexplicable inaction, and the result was
that the missions and communities, which should have
drawn their chief aid from the colony, were almost its only
support. Yet the fund on which the missionaries and
nuns subsisted was in a great measure only precarious.
It could not be expected to continue always on the same
footing, and, in fact, gradually diminished.

The war broke out again with new fierceness between
the Iroquois and Hurons; but although the former often
had the advantage, for the reasons given already, the lat-
ter, who had lost none of their pristine valor, occasionally
retrieved their fortunes. One day, when the missionaries
were all assembled in a town to confer upon their affairs,
tidings came of the defeat of a considerable party of Iro-
quois, und a prisoner was brought in who was burnt, but
who had the happiness of passing through this species of
hell to the abode of the elect—at least, if we may judge
by the dispositions in which he seemed to die. As he is
the first adult of this nation known to have reccived bap-
tism, I have deemed it not amiss to give the principal cir-
cumstances of his death, which I draw from the details of
his torture, given, in one of his letters, by Father de Bre-
beuf, an eye-witness.’

As soon as the prisoner reached the village, the sachems
held a council to decide his fate ; and the conclusion was
that he should be put in the hands of an old chief, in
order to replace, if he so chose, one of his nephews taken
by the Iroquois, or to dispose of him as he saw fit. On

' Rel, 1637 (Huron), p.109. Creux- 8. Nicolas (Historia General de los
ius (i., p. 609) refers to an Iroquois Religiosos Desc. de 8. Agustin, Ma-
Augustinian in Spain. Andres de drid, 1664) may explain it.

Continua-
tion of the
war be-
tween the
Hurons and
Iroquois.

The first
Troquois
Christian,

‘A

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

the other hand, Father de Brebeuf was no sooner informed

—— of what was passing than he hastened to the prisoner, deter-

mined not to leave his side till he had opened to him the
way of salvation. He first perceived him amid a band of
warriors, clothed in a new beaver robe, with a wampum
belt around his neck, and another around his head, like a
diadem. He was made to sing without giving him a
moment’s relaxation, but he was not ill-treated. What
most astonished the missionary was that he was as tran-
quil, and had a countenance as serene, as if he had suf-
fered nothing or was sure of his life ; yet he had endured
much in the first days of his captivity, and had more to
fear than to hope from the future.

Father de Brebeuf was invited to make him sing, ac-
cording to custom : but he excused himself, and approach-
ing him a little nearer, he remarked that one of his hands
had been crushed between stones, and one of his fingers
torn off; that two fingers of the other hand were gone,
cut off with an axe; and that the only dressing applied to
these wounds was a few leaves, bound with strips of bark.
In addition to this, the joints of his arms were burnt, and
on one he had a deep gash. He had been reduced to this
state on his march ; for, from the moment he had entered
the first Huron town, he had received only good treat-
ment. Every cabin had feasted him, and a young woman
had been assigned him to act as a wife. In a word, to see
him among these Indians, no one would have supposed
that people who showed him so much friendship would be
so many demons furiously tormenting him.

Father de Brebeuf, who had every liberty to converse
with him, began by telling him that although he could do
nothing to mitigate his pains, he wished, at least, to teach
him to suffer them—not precisely as a brave, to acquire a
glory that would be useless to him after death, but from a
more solid and elevated motive ; that this motive was the
well-grounded hope that his pains would be followed by a
perfect and endless happiness. He then briefly explained

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

to him the most essential articles of Christian doctrine, and

107

1639,

he found him not only docile, but, contrary to the usual —~—~

custom of Indians, very attentive, and taking pleasure in
what was told him. He profited by this good disposition,
and believed that he saw Grace working powerfully in the
heart of this captive. He completed his instruction, bap-
tized him, and called him Joseph.’

He then obtained permission to take him with him
every evening and keep him during the night. He would
have desired more, but the fate of the prisoner did not
depend on those from whom he could have obtained his
deliverance. His wounds gave him much to suffer, as
they swarmed with worms. He earnestly asked that they
should be taken out ; but it was impossible to do this, the
vermin burying themselves at every attempt to extract
them. The feasts continued, always in his name ; and he
did the honors, singing till he was hoarse. He was then
taken from town to town, compelled to sing all the way.
He had no rest, except when Father de Brebeuf or some
other missionary had permission to entertain him. Then
he was not only not interrupted, but all the Indians gath-
ered around to hear the Father, and many profited by
what they heard.

At last they reached the village of the chief to whom
the prisoner had been given,’ and who had not yet de-
clared the decision to which he had come. Joseph ap-
peared before this sovereign arbiter of his destiny with
the countenance of a man to whom life and death are in-
different. He was not long in suspense as to what was to
befall him. “ Nephew,” said the old chief, “you cannot
conceive the joy I feel in learning that you are mine. I

' Relation, 1637, p. 112. He was just been adopted as patron of the
a Seneca, but as his tribe was then country (Relation, 1637, p. 5).
at peace with the Hurons, he went *? The name of this chief was Sa-
to Onondaga and joined a war party ouandaouascouay, of the village
there (Relation, p. 111). The name Tondakhra: Relation de la Nou-
Joseph was given, as St. Joseph had velle France, 1637, p. 112.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

at first imagined that he whom I had lost had risen again,
and I resolved to put you in his place. I had already
prepared 1 mat for you in my cabin, and it gave me great
pleasure to think that I was to spend the rest of my days
peacefully with you; but the condition in which I see
you forces me to change my resolution. It is evident that
with the pain and trouble you endure life can be but a
burden, and you will doubtless thank me for shortening it.
It is those who mutilated you thus who put you to death.’
Courage, then, nephew! Prepare for this evening. Show
that you are a man, and be not depressed by fear of
torture.”

The prisoner heard this as though it did not concern
him. He replied, in a firm tone, “This goes well!” Then
the sister of the one whom he was to replace came and
offered him food, as if he had really been her brother,
serving him with every appearance of the most sincere and
cordial friendship. The old chief himself caressed him,
put his pipe in his mouth ; and seeing him all drenched in
sweat, wiped it off, and gave him all possible marks of
truly fatherly affection.

Towards noon the prisoner made his farewell feast,’ at
the expense of his uncle; and all being assembled, he
said: “Brothers, I am going to die; enjoy yourselves
boldly around me; think that I am a man; and rest
assured that I fear neither death nor any torment you can
inflict upon me.” He then sang, several warriors joining
with him ; after which the food was served up. There is
no invitation to these banquets : every one has a right to
go; but most of them bring no platter, and come as mero
spectators. The banquet over, the prisoner was taken to
the place of torture, a cabin set apart for this use. Each
village has one of this class, styled the cabin of blood or of

1The Tohontaenras, who subse- 2 This farewell feast was called,
quently surrendered to the Senecas in Huron, Astataion: Rel. 1637, p.
and removed to their country: Rela- 1183; Atsataion, 1638, p. 44. Chitsa-
tion, 1651, p. 4. tayon: Sagard, Dict. v. Festin.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

severed heads,’ and it is always the cabin of a war-chief. As
soon as a prisoner sets foot in it, it is no longer in the
power of any one to spare his life. It is not, however,
always the place of execution, which may be performed
anywhere.

* Towards eight o’clock at night eleven fires were lighted,
about six feet apart. All ranged themselves in a line on
either side, the old men behind, on a sort of platform, and
the young men, who were to be actors, in the front rank.
As soon as the prisoner entered, an ol man advanced,
exhorted the youth to do well; adding that this was an
important action, and that Areskouy’ would look down
upon them. This short harangue was received with ap-
plause, or rather with yells, wild enough to strike terror
into the stoutest. The captive at the same time appeared
amid the assembly, between two missionaries, and the
cries redoubled as he was seen. He was next seated on a
mat and his hands bound.

He then rose and went around the cabin, dancing and
singing his death-song. This done, he returned to his
place, and sat down on the mat again. Then a war-chief
took off his robe; and showing him thus naked to the
assembly, said ! “Such a one (naming another chief)’ takes
this captive’s robe ; the inhabitants of such a village’ will
cut off his head and give it, with an arm, to such a one®
(whom he named again), who will make a feast of it.”
Then began a most tragic and horrible scene ; and Father
de Brebeuf, who was present at the whole, gives a descrip-

1 Otinontsiskiaj ondaon : Relation
de la Nouvelle France, 1687, p. 114.

* The god of war, the same as Te-
haronhiaouagon: Relation de la Nou-
velle France, 1670, pp. 47, 66; Rela-
tion, 1671, p. 17; Lafitau, Mceurs
des Sauvages, i., p. 126. The wor-
ship of Areskouy has been succeeded
by that of Hawenniio, really the
God of the Christians. The Huron

form is properly A,reskoui, the early
writers using what they called an
iota subscript to designate a kind of
pause and peculiar vowel sound.
The Iroquois pronounced it less ob-
scurely, and the missionaries among
them wrote it “ Agreskoué.”

3 Oteiondi.

4 The Ataronchronons,
© Ondessone.

110 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

1639. tion that makes one shudder. This missionary induced
—Y~— the executioners, from time to time, to give their victim
some relaxation. He profited by it to exhort him to offer

his sufferings to a God who could reward him for them,

and who had himself undergone for us every indignity and

torment.

While he spoke all kept silence and listened attentively.
Joseph replied to all as though he felt no pain; and
during his whole torture nothing escaped him which his
charitable instructors could rebuke. He even spoke at
times of the affairs of his tribe, as though he were in the

midst of his family and friends. His tortures were pro-
longed, because the old men had declared that it was im-
portant that the rising sun should find him still alive. As
soon as day broke he was led out of the village and no
longer spared. At last, when they saw him about to ex-
pire, for fear that he should die otherwise than by steel,

as his sentence required, they cut off his foot, hand, and
head. The distribution was made as had been directed,.
and the rest of the body was put into the kettle.’

Situation of The Huron mission then had great contradictions to

piri experience, but they were checkered with success that
gave the Fathers great hopes. The details which they
give in their letters are truly touching; and these letters
are written with so much simplicity and candor, that we
cannot be surprised that they excited the interest of so
many persons of piety in the conversion of the heathen in
Canada. On the one hand, we see savages drawn by the
secret impression of grace, and, by the charity of their
masters in Christ, present themselves in crowds for bap-
tism ; numbers of Iroquois prisoners ente-, like this one
just described, into the way of salvation, and by the same
gate as he, and show, till the last sigh, sentiments that
touched their very enemies ; finally, unhoped-for conver-

’ Relation, 1637, p. 118; Letter of Documents Inédits, xii., p.181. See
Father Francis du Péron, Carayon, Sagard, Histoire du Canada, p. 453.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANC@.

sions, where the finger of God makes its operation felt
even by the most incredulous.

On the other hand, they show the preachers of the gos-
pel ever on the point of falling victims of a popular out-
break, excited by some unforeseen accident; by the
resentment of a father, who imagines that the prayer or
baptism caused the death of his child; by the caprice of
some ill-disposed man, in whom a pretended dream or an
evil report has heated the bile or disordered the imagina-
tion. The missionaries bad the same attacks to meet in
other nations ; and among the various examples which I
find in my authorities, I select one, too characteristic of
the Indians to pass in silence.

Father Jerome Lallemant, brother of Father Charles
Lallemant, of whom I have already spoken, was on his
way to the Hurons, by the way of the great Ottawa River.
He met some Algonquins, who had pitched their cabins on
the banks of that river, and his Huron guides thought fit
to stop some time with them. The missionary took the
opportunity to recite his breviary, and retired a little
apart. He had scarcely begun, when he was called and
taken to a cabin. Here he was told to sit down beside an
Algonquin, whose dark and angry brow heightened the
sinister expression of a malignant face.

The missionary was no sooner seated beside him than
the Indian, looking at him askant, reproached him that a
Frenchman, passing through his village, had bled one of
his sick relatives and killed him. With these words he
burst out in a furv, seized an axe with one hand and a
rope in the other, and told the missionary to prepare to
die, to appease the manes of his kinsman, and that he only
gave him his choics of the mode of his death. The Fathe :
could only use reason with the madman, but he was in no
condition to hear it. He even sprang on the mission-
ary, and was epdaeavoring to strangle him; but either his
fury had not reached its height, or left him too little self-
possession to know what he was doing. His cord got

111

1639.

_—_—_—o—

Singular
adventure
of Father
Lallemant.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

entangled in the collar of the missionary’s cassock, so that
though he pulled with all his might, he did not do him
much harm,

After toiling in vain, he perceived his stupidity, and
wished to loosen the collar, but failing to do so, raised the
hatchet to tomahawk the missionary, who escaped from
his hands. The Hurons stood by, unmoved spectators of
this scene, as a thing that did not concern them in the
least ; but two Frenchmen, attracted by the noise, rushed
violently on the Algonquin and were going to kill him,
when Father Lallemant interposed, representing the con-
sequences that might ensue from the death of this man.
He added that it was better to tell the Hurons plainly
that the governor-general would hold them responsible ii
any thing befell a missionary confided to them; and the
Frenchmen followed the advice.

The Hurons then held a council, after which they told
the Algonquin that Father Lallemant was under their
safeguard. This declaration at first had no great effect ;
and as those who made it went no further, without sus-
taining the Frenchmen, and the Algonquin was well
attended, the missionary was still for a time in very great
danger. At last, seeing the savage a little calmer, either
because weariness had moderated his fury or because
he had really never intended to go to extremes, the Hu-
rons told him that if he would release the Father, they
would cover the dead man—that is to say, would make
him some present to console him for the loss of his kins-
man. This proposition completely calmed him. The
Hurons gave him some furs, calculating shrewdly that
they would be no losers, aud at once embarked with the

missionary.’

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, des Sauvages, p. 95) gives an incor-
1638, p. 80 ; Letter of Father Francis rect account, assigning it to the year
du Péron, April 27, 1639, Carayon, 1650. Father Tailhan, in his note
Documents In¢dits, xii., p.168. Per- (p, 245), seems to have overlooked
rot (Mceurs, Coustumes, et Relligion the Relation of 1688.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 113

This was not the only unpleasant adventure that befell 1640.
Father Lallemant on this voyage, and there was not one “~*~
of his fellow-missionaries who did not experience some- guferings
thing of the kind. Several were even severely beaten, ° the Mis
Nothing better testified the weakness of the colony, from
which the Indians every day learned more clearly that
they had little to fear or hope. On the other hand, the
extreme desire of the missionaries to bring all these na-
tions under the yoke of the faitl: made them endure this
ill-treatment, and their passion ‘or sufferings made them
find consolation even in them,—the more so, as they often
resulted from the success of their labors and were the
glorious marks of their victory.

Nothing was more apostolical than the life which they Their occu-
led. All their moments were numbered by some heroic °*“°™*
action, by conversions or sufferings, which they regarded
as real compensation when their labors had not produced
all the fruit which they had anticipated. From four
o’clock in the morning, when they rose, unless travelling,
till eight, they generally spent secluded. It was the time
of prayer, and the only one which they had for their exer-
cises of piety. At eight o’clock each one went whither
duty called. Some visited the sick; others followed in
the fields those engaged in cultivating the earth; others
visited neighboring towns, which were destitute of pastors.

These excursions produced several good effects; for, in
the first place, few or no children died unbaptized. Even
adults, who had refused instruction in health, yielded in
sickness. They could not resist the ingenious and con-
stant charity of their physicians. In the second place,
these Indians, day by day, became more familiar with the
missionaries. This intercourse civilized their manners
and insensibly dispelled their prejudices. Nor was any
thing more edifying than the conduct of the new Chris-
tians. The more they cost the missionaries to win them
to Jesus Christ, the greater was the consolation to see
sentiments in their hearts where grace found no obstacle
Vor, IL—8

114 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

1640. to its operation. Their prayers and other exercises of
—Y—" piety were made in common and at fixed hours, and there
Life of the were few who did not approach the sacraments at least

aries, Once a week,’

The frequent cures effected by the remedies which the
missionaries liberally distributed gained them still more
credit ; the medicine-men lost much of theirs; and this
led to the abolition of many bad customs, s“perstitious
practices, and indecent ceremonies. One religious always
remained in the house to keep school, to lead the public
prayers at the fixed hours in the chapel, and to receive the
visits of the Indians, who are extremely importunate.
Towards the close of the day all assembled to hold
a kind of conference, where each proposed his doubts,
communicated his views, explained difficulties arising as
to the language. They animated and consoled each
other, measures were concerted to advance the work of
God, and the day closed with the same exercises which
began it.’

Their man- Besides the instructions regularly given to the neophytes
struction, and proselytes in the chapel, there were occasionally pub-
lic ones for all. Before commencing them, one of the mis-
sionaries went around, bell in hand, like St. Francis
Xavier, not only through the whole village, but also
through the neighborhood, and endeavored to induce all
he met to follow him. These instructions were often
made in the form of conferences, where each one w: s at
liberty to speak. Among the Indians this never leads to
any confusion. They rarely left these assemblies without
making some conquest. In fine, besides these public con-
ferences, there were private ones, to which only the chiefs
and other persons of rank were invited. Here certain
articles of religion were carefully discussed which it was
not deemed wise to explain so soon to the multitude ; but

1 Letter of Father Francis du 2 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
Péron, April 27, 1639; Carayon, 1639, p. 52; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
Documents Inédits, xxii., p. 177. nadensis, p.

3
&
¢
§

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

only to those who were known to be better able to under-

115

1640,

stand them, and whose authority might greatly aid the —-“-—

progress of the gospel.’

I have thought fit to enlarge a little on the obstacles Obstacles

to the

encountered in converting the Indians of Canada, At missions,

least, those who are of the persuasion that the Faith has
made no progress among these Indians cannot accuse me
of having dissembled them ; nor do I fear to be suspected
of exaggerating the fatigues, the sufferings, and the perse-
verance of the apostolic laborers, who have irrigated with
their sweat and blood this part of the vineyard, which the
Father of the family had confided to them. All New
France, for more than a century, renders so public a testi-
mony to the severe and truly apostolic life which they led,
and the eminent sanctity of many, that it cannot be
allowed to doubt, and is impossible to deny it. What
T shall say hereafter of the blessings which heaven poured
down on their labors rests on the same testimony.

Yet, without making a parallel between the apostles and
the first founders of the Christian Church, I believe I may
in justice ask on what grounds they would pretend to
doubt the reality of the conversions, which I cannot avoid
meationing without being wanting to what the fidelity of
history requires ; great examples of virtue, seen in pruc-
tice among a great number of neophytes, and wonders
which God has worked in their favor? Experience teaches
us that three sorts of persons will be extremely on their
guard on all these points. Those who, having known
Indians, while agreeing that they are not devoid of a kind
of ability, maintain that they are altogether limited as to
all that does not fall under the senses or has no relation
to their affairs, of which the sphere is very restricted ;
whence they conclude that it is impossible to impress
them sufficiently with the great truths of our religion to

' Relation, 1639, p. 54; Father 1638, MS. All testimony shows the
Charles Garnier, Letter, April 28, extent of instruction given.

116

1640,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

make even ordinary Christians. Others, regarding only

=r" the dissembling and unstable character of these Indians,
Objections imagine that they cannot be gained and fixed so as to

answered,

ground them in the sincere and constant practice of Chris-
tian virtues. <A third class proclaim against the very
name of all that surpasses the ordinary strength and course
of nature; and if we see them daily treat as false the best-
attested miracles, most solemnly approved by the Church,
with what hauteur will they not reject all related in this
sort of a Christendom, composed of neophytes who had,
they will say, to be made men before they could be ren-
dered adorers of Jesus Christ !

But none of these reflect sufficiently—1st. That the con-
version of an infidel, as well as the conversion of a sinner,
can be the work of grace alone, before which obstacles dis-
appear, whether the greatest or the least. It overcame
the Jews, to whom Christ crucified was a stumbling-block ;
and the Gentiles, who regarded his cross as folly. It can
raise up children to Abraham from the very stones (Matt.
iii. 9)—that is to say, make the most lively faith and
ardent charity germinate in the hardest hearts and most
brutish minds. And should prejudice go so far as to
doubt, with some, whether the American Indians are men,
may we not answer, with the most celebrated doctors of
the Church: ‘“ Men and beast thou wilt prcserve, O Lord”
(Ps. xxxv. 7). Now that the all-powerfu. -~eration of
grace has wrought these great changes, is it lawful for any
man to set limits to it, and say that it could not raise these
new Christians to the most eminent sanctity, if they were
but faithful to it?

2d. That the promises made by the Saviour of the world
to his disciples, whether for the conversion of the world or
the supernatural means by which he was to co-operate
with them, apply to all who, till the flock of the elect is
gathered together, receive a lawful mission to labor for
this assembling. If miracles, according to Saint augus-
tine, were necessary in the commencement of the Church,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

they are, by the same principle, in all nascent churches;
and the power of casting out evil spirits, granted, not to
the first preachers cf the gospel alone, but to the faithful,
and which forms part of the deposit intrusted to the
Church for all times, presupposes the empire of the evil
spirits over all who have not received the sacred character
imprinted on us by the sacrament of regeneration,

3d. That of all nations in the world, there is none for
which the kingdom of heaven is not open (Matt. xxviii. 18),
nor to which the apostles and their successors were not
expressly enjoined to announce the gospel—* Teach ye all
nations ;” and that to attempt to exclude a single one
from the benefit of redemption and the treasures of heaven
which it contains, would be to gainsay the whole Bible,
which speaks in the most formal terms on the point.

They may say, then, what they list to dim the glory of
the apostles of the New World, but they cannot deny that
they are of those to whom our Lord has said, “ Go, teach
all nations.” If they did not receive their mission imme-
diately from Him, they received it from those who had
authority to give it; and, intrusted with an important
part of the work, could rely on the same aid, and be
assured of the same assistance from Him who promised to
be with those sent to preach His law, to the end of time.
Nay, more. The august ministry with which they were
honored would naturally form in our minds this precon-
ceived idea, that they were in general what they should
have been ; and al! that we relate of their heroic virtues—
of what they did and suffered in the exercise of the min-
istry—is so probable, that we might be surprised if they
were not such men. Only those who venture to assert
that, in spite of our Saviour’s promise, the gates of hell
have prevailed against the Church, can refuse to acknow-
ledge that she has still, and will have to the end, apostles,
martyrs, saints, in all conditions and countries to which
her sway extends, and that the power of miracles will
never fail her.

117

1640,

—_——

Objections
answered,

118

1640.
—_—_o—

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

All that I have hitherto said regards especially the sed-
entary missions—that is to say, those of the Hurons and

State of the Sylleri ; but they endeavored to proceed in the same

Mission of
Three Riv-
ers.

Tadoussac,

spirit, and follow the same rule, as far as possible, in all
the others. At Three Rivers, besides the Algonquins, who
wers ordinarily there in pretty large numbers, several
nations from the most remote quarters of the North began
to appear and remain during the pleasant season. The
most important was the Attikamegues, whose chief resi-
dence was in the vicinity of Lake St. Thomas, which you
find at 50° N., as you ascend the river, whose three mouths
give name to this post. It did not require much to make
this tribe relish the truths of Christianity. They were
naturally docile, of a gentle disposition, and from the first
conceived such an attachment to the French, that nothing
could ever detach them.’ Yet the progress of the faith
among them was quite slow; because, as winter ap-
proached, they returned home, and when they descended
the next year, it was necessary to begin their instruction
anew, as on the first day.

A little flock of Christians was also formed at Tadous-
sac, a place long frequented more than any other by the
Montagnez, the Papinachois, the Bersiamites, and the

Porcupine tribe. They sometimes arrived all together,

and more frequently one after another; but when their
trade was over they returned home, or rather scattered in
the forests and mountains, except a small number who
wintered in the neighborhood of Tadoussac and gave the
missionaries abuadant occupation. From time to time
some of these Fathers followed the Montagnez in their
winter hunts, for which these Indians always selected the
most frightful and uninhabitable places, because the game
they sought was more plentiful there.’

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, called Poisson Blanc or Whitefish, De
1638, p. 21; 1641, p. 82; 1643, pp. la Potherie, Hist. de Am. Sept., i,
8-88; 1647, pp. 56-61; Creuxius, p. 294. See Creuxius, p, 367.
Historia Canadensis, pp. 283, ete., ? Relation, 1688, p. 2; 1641, pp. 3,
862, etc. ‘The Attikamegues are also 50; 1618, pp. 82-6.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 119
Miscou Island and the shores of the Gulf of St. Law-
rence were also at the time one of the ordinary resorts of ~~~
the Indians, the fisheries being very productive there ; but Around the
the colony did not profit by fish or furs. French merchants, °"*
devoted solely to the gain they actually made, controlled
the trade, without taking any steps to render it durable
and solid. The ministry did not interfere with it or
Acadia, which was also in private hands, sud shut its eyes
to the importance of these separate posts, which might
have been a mutual support, had care been taken to fortify
them and settle them gradually.
The Indians who came to trade on the Gulf of St. Law-
rence were the same as those of Acadia; but they were
more commonly called, in these parts, Gaspesians, from

1640.

Cape Gasp¢, where most of the vessels first anchored.’

They were very mild, but remained so little at any one

place that the missionaries, with all their care, could
scarcely succeed in instructing them in the truths of reli-
gion. Father Charles Tursis had just fallen a victim to
his zeal, having died of hardship in Isle Miscou, although,
in a period of two years, he had baptized only one child.”
Fathers Julian Perrault and Martin Lionnes,’ who were in
his neighborhood, were not more successful, or less coura-
geous or patient, in the exercise of this unfruitful apos-
tolate.

In a word, wherever trade attracted the Indians a mis-
sionary was found to announce Christ to them; but their
short stay in any one place did not permit the seed of the
word of God to germinate in their hearts. It was only
after a plan was devised of making them a little more

1 Wor the Miscou mission, sec Re-
lation, 1635, p. 3; 1636, p. 75; 1642,
p. 43, ete. As to the identity of the
Gaspesians and Micmacs, see His-
torical Magazine, vol. v., p. 284.

* Charles Turgis died May 4, 1687
(Relation, 1637, p. 103). He had
baptized one or two

3 Martin de Lionne was there later.
Do arrived August 15, 1643 (Journal
du Supericur des Jesuites, MS. Rel.,
1643, p. 86). He died in Acadia,
January 16, 1661 (Carayon, Docu-
ments Inédits, xiv., p. 114). Perrault
gives an account of his missious in
Cape Breton in the Relation of 1635,

120

1640,
—_——

The wor-
ea of the
Jross

among the
Gaspesians.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

sedentary, that their admirable disposition for Chris-
tianity was understood and turned to account, as we shall
see in the sequel. But I do not think myself bound to
include in these favorable dispositions the worship of the
cross, said to have obtained, from time out of mind, in all
this eastern part of Canada.

Mr. de St. Vallier, bishop of Quebec, in a letter which
he published on his return from his first visitation of his
diocese, speaks of this worship as an attested and indubi-
table fact.' He had it from the Recollect Father Christian
le Clercq, who has taken great pains to give it currency,”
but who has had as many gainsayers as he has well-
informed readers. Moreover, this religious was the only
one who had advanced this paradox, none of those who
lived among those Indians before him—many of whom
knew their language and studied their traditions better
than he was able to do—having discovered any thing of
the kind. What misled the historian was apparently
this :

A letter of Father Jalian Perrault, written in 1635,
informs us that these Indians took pleasure in imitating
all that they see Europeans do: that having especially
remarked that they often made the sign of the cross on
themselves, they did the same. When they met a Euro-
pean they made the cross on different parts of their body,
but without the least idea of its being a mark of religion.*
This custom, already of long date when Father Christian
le Clercq resided among the Gaspesians, and perhaps be-
come a superstitious practice, induced that missionary to
believe it so originally. It may also be, that on question-

1 Estat Present de l’Eglise, etc., p.
14 (ed. Quebec). Mgr. de St. Valier
does not quote le Clercq, but gives
as authority Mr. de Fronsac, son of
Mr. Denys, who had it from an In-
dian who died a few years before,
aged one hundred or one hundred
and twenty: Estat Present, p. 14.

2 Le Clereq, Nouvelle Relation de

la Gaspesie, p. 172, ete. He admits
that in his time they had lost their
respect for the cross (ib., p. 187).

3 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1635 (ed. Quebee), p. 43. Perrault
says they painted the cross on their
persons,

TUSTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

ing some of these Indians, these savages, often confused
in their traditions, have perhaps seemed to him to include
it among their most ancient.

Meanwhile, the war between the Iroquois and our allies
increased in fury. The former, falling unexpectedly upon
a distant nation, whose name I have been unable to ascer-
tain,’ committed a fearful massacre, and compelled all who
escaped to seek a refuge elsewhere. They found one
among the Hurons, who were no sooner aware of their
misfortunes than they went to meet them with provisions,
and received them with an affection that would have done
honor to a Christian people. The missionaries, whom it
would ill become to be outdone in charity by heathen,
hastened on their side to the relief of these poor exiles,
and they had the consolation of seeing several for whom
misfortune proved the stroke of predestination.’

Their joy redoubled when, resuming their ministry,
which had not yet borne all the fruit they had reason to
expect, they perceived that God—touched, doubtless, by
the generosity of the Hurons, as He was of old by the
alms of the centurion Cornelius—had changed their
hearts, and that the very men who had most persistently
turned a deaf ear to their exhortations were most earnest
in their entreaty to be admitted in the ranks of the prose-
lytes. But this was not the only reward bestowed by the
Almighty on these charitable Indians.

Some time after, three hundred Huron and Algonquin
warriors having taken the field, a small body of ad-
venturers in the van came upon a hundred Iroquois,
who attacked them, but who, notwithstanding the ad-
vantage of numbers, failed to capture more than one

1The Relation de la Nouvelle
France for 1639 (pp. 55, 59) gives the
name as Weanohronon or Wen-
rohronon. Their country was eighty
leagues from Ossosane, on the fron-
tier of the Neuters towards the Iro-

quois ; hence in New York. They
are perhaps the tribe attacked by
Champlain, but driven further west.
See ante, p. 28, 84.

2 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1689, p. 60.

121

1640,
—_—_~m—

Generosity
of the Hu-
rons,

122 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1640. man. Satisfied with even this trifling success, and fearing
—Y~" to engage « larger party if they advanced, they were about
Defeat of to retreat, when the prisoner told them that the band to
an Iroquois . Fi
party. which he and his comrades belonged was much weaker
than their party. Deceived by his story, they resolved to
await the allies at a poir+ where, as their captive assured
them, they intended to pass, taking no precaution except
to throw up a kind of intrenchment to prevent a surprise.’
The Hurons and Algonquins soon appesred; and the
Iroquois, desperate at being thus duped, wreaked a fearful
but not unexpected vengeance on him who had involved
them in such a disaster. The majority then counselled
flight ; but a brave, raising his voice, said: “ Brothers, if
we resolve to commit such an act of cowardice, at least
wait till the sun sinks in the west, that he may not see us.”
These few words had their effect. They resolved to fight
to their last breath, and did so with all the courage that
could be inspired by hate, and the fear of dishonor by
fleeing from enemies so often vanquished ; but they were
opposed to men who were not inferior to them in cour-
age, and were here three to one.

After a very stubborn fight, seventeen or eighteen lro-
quois were left on the field, their intrenchment stormed,
and all the survivors disarmed and taken. The Hurons

took to their village the captives that fell to their lot,’
and outdid themselves in cruelty to these wretches ; but
God seems to have permitted their misfortune only to dis-
play his mercy in their regard. The missionaries, who
were accorded liberty to converse with them freely, found
their docility astonishing. They instructed them sufli-
ciently in our holy mysteries, and baptized them all.
These neophytes then sustained the frightful torture to
which they were subjected—not with that brutal insensi-
bility and ferocious pride in which these savages glory on

'Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, ®? Relation, 1639, p. 69 ; Creuxius,
p. 241. Historia Canadensis, p. 2-41.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 123

such occasions, but with patience, sentiments, and courage 1640,
worthy of Christianity, and which their executioners could —~-—
not fail to attribute to the power of baptism.’ Several pri-

This happy prejudice greatly advanced the cause of baptized at

religion, and authorized the faithful to profess it more a
openly than they had yet dared to do; for till then several
had not complete liberty in cabins where they did not
form a majority. Some even had been ill-treated for
their religion ; and when 1 Christian fell sick, nothing was
left untried to force him to call in the medicine-men.
Many allowed themselves to be seduced, and some mis-
sionaries were of opinion that on more than one occasion
the prestiges of these charlatans were attended with
operations visibly diabolical.

Yet the allies lost all benefit of the advantage which Siratagem
they had guined by their not acting in concert. The can- quols to de-
tons, on their side, more aroused than ever by the check French
which they had received, resolved to take a memorable ven- fiero”
geance ; but not to draw too many united forces on them at
once, they set every engine at work to prevent the French
from assisting their allies, and at the same time to create
in the latter a distrust of us. They sent out three hun-
dred warriors, divided into several bands; and all the
Indians that fell into their hands were treated with the
inhumanity habitual to these barbarians. On the con-
trary, some Frenchmen, teken prisoners in the vicinity of
Three Rivers, received no injury.

Some time after, several parties appeared in the neigh-
borhood of the same fort, and for several months held in
check all the French settlements. Then, when least ex-
pected, they offered to make peace, on condition that our
allies should not be included. This proposition was made
to Mr. de Champflours, who had recently succeeded the
Chevalier de Lisle as governor of Three Rivers, and was
brought in by a French — named eee The

1 Relation, 1639, p. 67; Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p. 241.

124 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1640. man added that neither he nor his fellow-prisoners could
vy" do aught but praise the treatment they had received from
the Iroquois, but that he did not think withal that it was
very prudent to treat with them.

They treat The advice was sound: but they were not in a position
frmerin to make war}; so they concluded to negotiate, keeping,
bad faith} owever, well on their guard. The Chevalier de Mont-
magny, notified by Mr. de Champflours of what was occur-
ring, descended to Three Rivers in a well-armed barque,
and sent the Sieur Nicolet and Father Ragueneau to the
Iroquois to ask back the French prisoners whom they
retained, and to learn their disposition in regard to peace.
These deputies were well received. They were seated as
mediators, on a buckler.’ The prisoners were then brought
to them bound, though but slightly. A war-chief imme-
diately made a very studied harazgue, in which he en-
deavored to persuade them that his nation had nothing so

much at heart as to live on good terms with the French.
In the midst of his discourse he approached the pris-
oners, unbound them, and flung their bonds over the pal-
isade, saying : “ Let the river carry them 30 far, that they
be no more spoken of.” At the same time he presented a
belt to the two deputies, and begged them to receive it as
a pledge of the liberty which he restored to the children
of Ononthio.” Then taking two packs of beaver, he laid
them at the feet of the prisoners, adding that it was un-
reasonable to send them back naked, and that he gave
them material for robes. He then resured his discourse,
and said that all the Iroquois cantons ardently desired a
durable peace with the French, and that in their name,he
begged Ononthio to hide under his clothes the hatchets of
the Algonquins and Hurons while the peace was in nego-

1 See Sagard, Histoire, p, 447. these Indians, and all others after

2 Ononthio, in Huron and Iroquois, their example, called the governor-
means Great Mountain, and this, general of New France, Ononthio,
they were told, was the name of Mr. and the king of France, the great
de Montmagny. From this time Ouonthio.—Charlevoiz.

Acme eercen

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

tiation ; declaring that on their side they would commit
no hostility.

He was still speaking, when two Algonquin canoes hav-
ing appeared in sight of the spot where the council was
held, the Iroquois gave them chase. The Algonquins,
seeing no prospect of resisting so large a force, jumped
overboard and swam away, leaving their canoes, which
were plundered before the eyes of the governor-general.
This outrage showed how little reliance could be placed
on the word of these savages, and negotiations were
broken off at once. The Troquois having now no veil to
hide their perfidy, threw off the mask and spoke with
great insolence. The Chevalier de Montmagny under-
took to bring them to reason, but they escaped at the
moment when he thought he had them ; and to complete
his chagrin, he learned almost at the same time that a
number of Huron canoes, coming down to Quebec, loaded
with furs, had fallen into their hands.

The position of the general was undoubtedly a sad one,
exposed daily to similar affronts for want of troops enough
just to keep in equilibrium the balance between two bands
of Indians who, all together, could not have kept in the
field against four or five thousand Frenchmen. But the
Company of the Hundred Associates would not shake off
their lethargy ; and the French colony, instead of increas-
ing day by day, declined in strength and numbers/” An
enterprise, undertaken about this time, to settle and fortify
the island of Montreal, was some consolation to the Chev-
alier de Montmagny, and for a time flattered him with the
hope that the Iroquois would no longer dare to come and
brave him, as they had just done under his very cannon.

The first missionaries had from the outset recognized the
importance of occupying the island of Montreal, but the
Canada Company did not enter into their views. It needed
again private individuals to assume the execution of a design
so advantageous to New France, which the Iroquois war
rendered actually necessary. Some persons of rank, even

125

1640.

—_——

Position of
the gover-
nor-gen-
eral,

Projected
establish-
ment at
Montreal.

Q

126 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1640. more estimable for their piety and zeal for religion, formed
—Y—" a society which proposed to do on a grand scale at Mon-
treal what had been attempted more modestly at Sylleri. j
There was to be on this island a F'rench town, well fortified

and able to resist all insults. The poor were to be received

there and enabled to live by their labor. It was proposed

to occupy the rest of the island with Indians of all nations
whatsoever, provided they professed Christianity or wished
to be instructed in our holy mysteries; and they were
more persuaded that numbers would come, from the fact
that, besides being a secure asylum against the pursuit of
‘ their enemies, it would always afford prompt succor in
sickness and against starvation. It was proposed, even,
to civilize them in time, and accustom them to live solely

by the labor of their own hands.’

Itisin part The number of those who entered the association was
Se thirty-five,’"—too many to allow prolonged action in con-
1640-2. cert: yet it began in a manner that augured success.
Under the grant of the island made by the king* they took
possession, in 1640, at the close of x solemn Mass, cele-
brated under a tent. The next year Paul de Chomedey,
Sieur de Maisonneuve, a gentleman of Champagne, him- |
self an associate, brought out several families from France. b>
He arrived in Quebec with Mademoiselle de Manse, a lady
of good family, appointed to take charge of persons of
her sex.‘ The Chevalier de Montmagny and the superior-
general of the Jesuits conducted them to Montreal; and

1 For the history of the association,
thus briefly alluded to, the main
spirit of which was Mr. Olier, the
founder of the Sulpitians, see Fail-
lon, Histoire de la Colonie Francaise
en Canada, i., pp. 379-498.

? Mr. Faillon (p. 487) says the pre-
cise number is not known. Dollier
de Casson says forty.

’The island was ceded to the
associates Aug. 7, 1640, by Mr. de
Lauson (ib., p. 394), snd by the Com-

pany of New France, Dec. 17, 1640
(ib., p. 895). Mr. Faillon makes no
allusion to a royal grant, but men-
tions a royal approval of the grant
and the concession of certain powers
(p. 409).

4 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1642, p. 87; Belmont, Histoire du
Canada; Failion, Histoire, p, 424.
Mile. Mance arrived at Quebec Aug.
8, 1641, and Maisonneuve Aug. 24
(Faillon, pp. 420-2).

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

127

on the 15th of October Monsieur de Maisonneuve was 1641-2.

declared governor of the island.’

On the 17th of May following,*® the place chosen for
the French settlement was blessed by the same superior,"
who celebrated the holy mysteries there, dedicated to
the Mother of God a little chapel, hastily erected, and
left the Blessed Sacrament in it. This ceremony had
been preceded three months before—that is, towards the
close of February—by another. All the associates re-
paired, one Thursday morning, to Notre-D de Paris ;
the priests said Mass; the others received at Our Lady’s
altar; and all besought the Queen of Angels to take the
island of Montreal under her protection.‘ Finally, on the
15th of August, the feast of the Assumption of the Blessed
Virgin was solemnized on the island, amid an extraordi-
nary gathering of French and Indians.’ Nothing was
overlooked, on this occasion, to draw down the blessing of
heaven on the useful establishment, and to give the
heathen an exalted idea of the Christian religion.

—_—_—

On the evening of the same day Monsieur de Maison- Tradition as

. + 6 . . . to
neuve wished to visit the »..untain which has given name cient

to the island ; and two old Indians who accompanied him,
having led him to the summit, told him that they be-
longed to the nation which had formerly inhabited that
country. “We were,” they added, “very numerous, and
all the hills you see to the south and east were inhabited.
The Hurons drove our ancestors out. One part took
refuge with the Abenaquis ; others retired to the Iroquois
cantons ; some remained with our conquerors.”* The gov-
ernor begged them to invite their brethren to assemble
again in their old possessions, where they should lack for
nothing, and be protected against any attempt to disturb

1 Relation de la N. Fr., 1682, p. 87. 8 Rev. Bartholomew Vimont.

2 Dollier de Casson (Hist. de Mon- 4 Relation de la N. F., 1642, p. 87.
treal, MS.) and Faillon (Hist. de la Mr. Faillon (p. 486) says Feb. 2.
Col. Francaise, i., p. 489), Vie de Mlle. 5 Ib., p. 88.

Manse (I. xl.) say May 18: Le Clercq, ® Compare Perrault, Mceurs, ete.,
Premier Etab. de la Foi, p. 50. pp. 9, 165.

the an-

island,

inhab-
itants of the

HISTORY Of NEW FRANCE.

this dispersed nation,’ which
mentioned in my journal."

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1642, p. 38.

*Creuxius (Historia Canadensis,
p. 874) speaks of traces of the ancient
town as still remaining in his time,
and the Algonquins called it Minitik
Sten entagsgiban—“ island where
there was a town (Relation, 1642,
p. 36).

8 Journal, pp. 110,111. They were
undoubtedly the Iroquet. See Re-
lation, 1646, p. 84. Charlevoix sup-
poses them to have been Hurons ;
but they were Algonquins, and were
called by the Hurons Onontchataro-
nons: Relation, 1633, p. 29; 1648,
p. 61. It is not necessary to suppose
them the inhabitants of Hochelaga,
A Huron town generally had Algon-
quins camping near, and the account
of the origin of the war between
the Iroquois and Algonquins shows
this to have been the case in early

1641-2. them.’ They promised to do all that depended on them,
—y— but apparently failed to bri

ng together the remnants of
may perhaps be the Iroquets

times. The statement, however,
here given clashes with that of Per-
rault (Mceurs, Coustumes, etc., des
Sauvages, pp. 9, 165), followed by de
la Potherie (Histoire de l’Amérique
Septentrionale, i., p. 288) ; unless we
are to suppose Hurons in early times
to have expelled the Iroquet, and
that then the Iroquois and Algon-
quins settled there till their war
came off, when Hochelaga was de-
stroyed, and the Iroquois fell back
to New York and the Algonquins to
the Ottawa. It is more likely, how.
ever, that in this incidental mention
of an Indian’s remarks, the words
Huron and Iroquois have been trans-
posed. If the chief said his ances-
tors were driven out by the Iroquois,
and that some took refuge with tha
Hurons, the account will agree with
all others that have been handed
down. See Journal, p. 109.

Sp” (en LNB Sere Se ioe iain,

NOTE ON MONTREAL,

Wuen Charlevoix wrote, nothing had been published bearing on the set-
tlement of the Island of Montreal except the tract, “Les Veritables
Motifs,” which appeared in 1674. (See vol. i, p. 82.) The Society of
Montreal published no statements, and the Sulpitians had not the rule of
writing to their Superiors, which, established by St. Ignatius in the case
of the Jesuits, in order to keep alive a feeling of brotherhood and edifie
cation among the widely-scattered members of the order, has led to the
preservation of so much information,

The early history of the movement has, however, in our day, found an
investigator and chronicler in the laborious zeal of Mr, Faillon of St, Sul-
pice, who has issued a series of valuable works, all bearing on the history
of Montreal, He treats the origin of the settlement as entirely supernat-
ural; Histoire de le Colonie "rangaise, i., p, 382; Vie de Mlle, Mance,
vol. i, The first one impelled to undertake the settlement was a gentle-
man named Jerome le Royer de la Dauversiére, of la Fléche, in Anjou,
The second, similarly moved, in 1636, was a young clergyman, Rev,
John James Olicr,' who subsequently instituted the seminary of St, Sul-

'The Rev. John James Olier de Ver-
neuil was born at Paris, September 20,
1680, second son of James Olier, secretary
to Henry 1V., and master of requests in
that king’s palace, After a careful educa-
tion under his father's care, he embraced
the ecclesiastical state, and became inti-
mately connected with St. Vincent de
Paul; influenced by whose example he
began to give missions in Auvergne, where
he held the abbey of Pébrac, and effected
great good. Refusing a bishopric and the
coadjutorship of Chilons sur Marne, he
accepted the parish of St, Sulpice, at Paris,
in 1642, then in great disorder. Aided
by some clergyman with whom he had
lived in community at Vaugirard, he
entirely reformed his parish, and then
began a long contemplated work, the
founding of a theological seminary for the
proper training of candidates for the priest-

Vou, 1.—9

a

hood, This he effected, with the royal ap-
probation, in 1645, His institute, known
as the Seminary of St. Sulpice, has ren-
dered immense service to religion, and
soon led to similar establishments in other
parts of France, under the direction of his
community, commonly styled Sulpitians,
In American they have seminaries at Mon.
treal and Baltimore.

Mr. Olier resigned his parish in 1652,
and retired to his seminary, where he
died April 2, 1657, at the age of forty-nine,
revered by the best and holiest men in
France, He wrote a Treatise on Holy
Orders, a Christian Catechism of the In-
terior Life, A Christian’s Day; his letters
have also been published. His life was
written briefly by Father Giry ; more at
length by Mr. Nagot, of St. Sulpice, in
1818; and by Mr. Faillon of the same
congregation (2 vols., 8vo ; Paris, 1853).

130 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

pice at Paris. They finally met and resolved to obey the common in-
spiration. The next who joined was Peter Chevrier, Baron of Fancamp,
who, in 1640, sent out provisions and tools to Quebec to serve for the
coming settlers. The celebrated Baron de Renty and two others were
subsequently associated. John de Lauson, the proprietor of the Island
of Montreal, induced by Father Charles Lalemant, ceded it to these
gentlemen, August 17, 1640. To remove all doubts, the associates also
obtained a grant from the New France Company on the 17th December,
1640; ratified and approved by the King, February 13, 1644 : Edits et
Ordonnances Royaux, Quebec, pp. 20, 24. The associates engaged to
send out forty settlers, tc be employed in clearing and cultivating ; to
increase the number annuelly ; to supply them with two sloops, cattle,
farm-hands ; after five years, to erect a seminary, maintain ecclesiastics
as missionaries and teachers, also nuns as teachers and hospitallers. On
its side, the New France Company agreed to transport thirty settlers :
Archives du Seminaire de St. Sulpice, quoted by Faillon, i, p. 401. A
leader of the new colony was found in Paul de Chomedey, Sieur de Maison-
neuve, a gentleman of Champagne, who had applied to Father Lalemant
to aid him in getting service in Canada.

The six associates then contributed twenty-five thousand crowns to
begin the settlement ; and Mr. de Maisonneuve embarked with his co.-
onists, on three vessels, from Rochelle and Dieppe, in the summer of
1641, and arrived himself at Quebec on the 20th of August. Mlle. Mance
had reached there previously, as had those who came in the third vessel.

The Chevalier de Montmagny, in consequence of the hostility of the
Iroquois, endeavored to persuade Mr, de Maisonneuve to winter at Que-
bee, but he went on resolutely. After being installed governor, as stated
by Charlevoix, he wintered his colonists at Quebec, where he had a store-
house and dwelling, and at Sainte Foy and St. Michel, where Mr. Peter
de Puiseaux, Sieur de Montrenault, offered him a hospitable welcome.
Here, during the winter, boats were built and timber prepared for
houses ; and on the 8th of May they embarked, and, as stated in the
text, arrived nine days after, and having heard Mass, began an intrench-
ment around their tents. This fort and all in it were nearly swept away
by an inundation, but the next spring the necessary buildings were all
erected. In 1648 d’Ailleboust brought over more settlers, reaching Que-
bec on the 15th of August, the day alluded to by Charlevoix!

1 Le Clereq, Etablissement de la Foi, ii. 45-60, is devoted to Montreal.

|
i

BOOK VI.

a ee

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

BOOK VI.

TE assurance of the Iroquois, in appearing in arms in

133

1642,

sight of Three Rivers, and the boldness with which they —~—

had insulted the Chevalier de Montmagny, gave that gen-
eral deep subject for thought. He rightly deemed it a
duty to omit no precaution against a surprise, and put
himself in a position to meet all the efforts of a nation
which no longer used any disguise, and seemed bent on
employix; alike artifice and strength to gain the mastery
of the whole country,—the more especially as the Dutch of
New Netherland, if not openly declaring in their favor,
would undoubtedly furnish them with aid in more than
one way.

It was accordingly resolved to erect a fort at the mouth Fort Riche-

of the river which then bore their name, and is now called
Sorel River, this being the route they generally took to
come down into the colony. It was completed in a short
time, notwithstanding all the attempts of seven hundred
Troquois to oppose it. They fell upon the workmen when
they least expected it, but were repulsed with loss. The
fort received the name of Richelieu, already given to the
river, and a pretty strong garrison was stationed here.’
Had the Canada Company been willing to incur a similar
expense for the defence of the Huron country, those

i Montmagny arrived, with work- were led by Corporal du Rocher, the
men, cannon, and soldiers, Aug. 13, governor being on a vessel in the
1642: Relat. de la Nouvelle France, stream: Creuxius, Hist. Canad., p.
1642, p. 250 ; Creuxius, Hist.Canad., 51. The Indians were two hundred.
p. 361. The Frenci:, in this action, See post, p. 143. .

lieu.

134 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1642. Indians would have escaped many evils; and so, too, would
—~— the whole colony, which soon felt the result of the misfor-
tunes that overwhelmed the Hurons in the succeeding years.
Numerous The moment was an auspicious one to erect a strong
‘mong the barrier against the Iroquois at that point, all the Huron
Huron. towns being in movement to embrace Christianity, and, as
a necessary consequence, adhere more firmly to us. Aha-
sistari, one of the most esteemed chiefs of the nation, was
the instrument especially used by Heaven to effect a
change which seemed to the missionaries miraculous ; for
the very men who had till then been most rebellious to
‘ grace, now showed most ardor for instruction and baptism.
Astonishing things were told of this chief." He was,
indeed, a very brave man, to whom actions of more than
ordinary valor had, perhaps, led men to attribute still
more brilliant achievements. It is certain, however, that
his merit alone, and the credit he enjoyed in all his nation,
had long made the missionaries conceive a strong desire of

winning him to Christ.
History ofa There was no great probability of success, this Indian
nae being extremely attached to his superstitions; but the
difficulty of these great conversions is what often reassures
apostolic men, who know that grace, which is all-powerful,
is often pleased to triumph over those who resist its inspi-
rations most stubbornly. They were, therefore, not dis-

Huron chief, although he always received them quite ill.
Yet he yielded at last, and even began to look upon them
with favor. They gradually found him less removed from
the Kingdom of God, and at last he began to relish their
conversations on religion.’

They then devoted themselves more ian ever to his
instruction. He heard them attentively, proposed his

1 Relation Huronne, 1642, p. 58. °2He never showed any aversion
He was a chief of the Attinguee to the faith: Relation de la Nouvelle
nongnahak, France, 1642, p. 58.

TN Rinna Ngee st:

heartened, and continued to make frequent visits to the I

STIR,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 135

; doubts, and when they were explained, manifested his con- 1642.
viction. He requested baptism, but the Fathers’ thought —~—~
; it unwise to admit to the bosom of the Church, on a

single request, a proselyte of this character, deeming it

proper to make him long desire that favor. One day,

when he was earnestly soliciting it at one of the public
conferences that I have described, the missionary who
presided asked him to inform the assembly what had

given him his first desire to become a Christian; and he

replied in these wor 1s, which I take, literally, from the
missionary’s own letter :

“This thought engaged my mind even before you came His voca-

to this country. I often ran great risks, and on many oc- Christiane
casions I happily escaped, when all my comrades perished
at my side. Some powerful genius, I said to myself, must
bear especial watch over my days, and I could never
banish the thought that this genius must be infinitely
superior co those who are honored among us. Nor could I
avoid regarding as silly all that is told us of dreams. No
sooner had I heard Jesus spoken of, than I felt assured
that he was the protector to whom I had so often been
indebted for liberty and life. Stubborn an adherent as I
may have since appeared of our practices and traditions,
IT nevertheless felt interiorly moved to adore Him alone;
and if I have so long deferred obeying this impulse of my
I heart, it was because I wished to be instructed before
making the avowal. Even when I seemed least disposed
to hear you, I undertook no enterprise without commend-
ing myself to Jesus, and I put all my trust in him. Fora
long time I have invoked him every morning; to him I
attribute every success; and in his name I ask baptism
from you, that he may be merciful to me after death."

The missionaries thought it wrong to withhold this His baptism
satisfaction longer from a man so well prepared. He was"?

Ci Ae

1The missionaries at this town ® This address is more simply and
were Fathers Garnier and le Moyne: beautifully given in the Relation,
Relation, 1642, p. 76 1642, p. 59.

136 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1642. baptized the same day' by the name of Eustace. He s00n
—y~" after raised a large war-party, in which he would receive 4
none but Christians. His band being ready to start, he j
led it to the missionary of his town, in whose presence he
thus addressed them :

“ Brethren, we all serve one same Master ; let us then be
but one heart and one mind. We must carefully avoid all
intercourse with the pagans; and all our brethren, who are
in need and affliction, must find consolation and solace
inus. Let us carefully hide the faults of Christians from
the eyes of the heathen, and, on all occasions, let them ,

; see that religion unites us more closely than the ties of
blood and interest ever did. As to our kindred, who do
not profess the same religion as ourselves, it is good
that they know that death will separate them from us
forever, and our ashes cannot even be mingled with
theirs. Let us publish everywhere, but by example
rather than by word, tre holiness and excellence of faith
in Jesus, and endeavor, if possible, to make all the world
embrace it.”

Reflections If the Canada Indians spoke thus only on the relations

pene, of the missionaries, I admit that I would have held such
harangues as very suspicious, whatever veneration I might
have for those who gave them, and notwithstanding the
air of sincerity which greatly prepossesses us in their
favor. Still, not only should the experience of all ages con-
vince us that good sense, native eloquence, and exalted
sentiments are found wherever man exists, and do nut
always depend on education ; but I do not hesitate to say
that those who have seen these savages will not accuse me
of attributing to them an elevation, a pathos, an energy
foreign to them.’ Did not the Greeks themselves admit
that there was more nobility in the simplicity of the
speeches of Barbarians than in the studied harangues of

nen

'Holy Saturday: Letter of F. 2 Compare Colden, History Five
Charles Garnier, May 22, 1642. Nations. New York, 1727.

f

wh

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 137

Athens? Moreover, there is no aoubt but that the Holy 1642.

Ghost inspired this neophyte. ——
About the same time some Jesuits received a deputation Excursion
to the Saul-

from the Saulteurs, inviting them to visit the tribe. These ~ teurs.
Indians then occupied the country around a rapid, in the
midst of the channel by which Lake Superior empties
into Lake Huron. This rapid has since been styled Sault
Sainte Marie, and from it we have given these Indians,
who are an Algonquin tribe, with a name (Paiioirigciieieu-
hak) very hard to pronounce, that of Saulteurs.? The
missionaries were not displeased with the opportunity thus
presented of knowing the countries lying beyond Lake
Huron, which no one of them had yet traversed. Fathers
Isaac Jogues and Charles Raimbaut were detached to ac-
company the Chippeway deputies, and their visit had
every success that could be reasonably expected. Thev
were well received by these Indians, who seemed very good
people; but the missionaries, having been recalled when
they began to instruct them, the seed of the divine word
had not time to bear fruit,’ and the nation, not being as
well disposed when the missionaries returned some years
later, this happy commencement had no result; so that,
down to this day, there are very few Christians among
the Indians of the Sault.

Meanwhile the Iroquois, assured of support from the
Dutch at Manhattan, who already furnished them with

1 Strabo, lib. vii.

2 Pauoitigoucieuhak, the Outchi-
poués, Ojibways or Chippeways. We
shall hereafter translate Saulteurs
by Chippeway.

3 Chippeway missions still exist
in Canada and the United States—
the latter under Bishop Frederic
Baraga, of Sault Ste. Maric, author
of an Ojibway grammar and dic
tionary,

4 They left St. Mary’s in Septem-
ber, and, after seventeen days’ sail,
reached Sault Ste. Marie. Their ob-

ject was, not to establish a perma-
nent mission, but only to see the
field: Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1642, p. 97. Father Charles Raym-
bault died soon after, at Quebec,
Oct. 22, 1642—the first of his order,
The country on the lakes had al-
ready been visited, and to some
extent explored, by John Nicollet,
who in 1639 made a treaty with the
tribes on Green Bay. As to him, see
Ferland, Notes sur les Registres de
Quebec, p. 30; Discovery and Ex.
ploration of the Mississippi, p. xxi.

138

1642.
—_—

The Dutch
supply the
Iroquois
with arms
and ammu-
nition,

Indolence
of the Hu-
rons,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

arms and ammunition, and to whom they sold the furs
swept away from our allies, continued their raids and
plundering. The rivers and lakes swarmed with their war-
parties, and trade was no longer possible, except at great
risk. The Chevalier de Montmagny complained to the
Governor of New Netherland, who contented himself with
a courteous but very vague letter, and made no change in
his course ; there was even a suspicion that he, or at least
those under his orders, urged on the Iroquois against us,
although it had been agreed that the allies of the two
nations should commit no hostilities on the two colonies,
and the French had faithfully kept the agreement.’

It is true that our Indians were neither in a state nor a
humor to trouble the Dutch ;’ far from seeking to raise up
new enemies, they scarcely thought of defending them-
selves from the Iroquois. The Hurons especially, either
from indolence or fear of provoking an enemy who had
acquired a superiority over them, which they could no
longer dissemble, or because they were not yet fully per-
suaded that the Iroquois aimed at their whole nation, saw
their frontiers desolated without taking any steps to check
a conflagration which surrounded them on all sides.
These losses, nevertheless, as to which they remained so
tranquil, weakened them so at last that terror spread
through all their towns; and when the enemy no longer
saw fit to cloak his real design by any pretext, he found,
as he had anticipated, a terrified people, incapable of offer-
ing the slightest resistance. The consequence was that
the Huron Church, cultivated with so much toil, had
scarcely begun to bear fruit unto salvation, when its
pastors were smitten, and the flock not only dispersed, but
almost entirely destroyed.

Father Jogues, whom we mentioned above, was the first

1 This correspondence escapes the *Montmagny is said to have
researches of O'Callaghan and Brod- prevented war-parties against the
head in New York, and of Ferland, Dutch: Relation de la Nouvelle
Faillon,Martin,andothersin Canada. France, 1643, p. 62.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

on whom the storm fell.' On his return from Sault Ste.
Marie he had received orders to go down to Quebec, for a
matter which admitted of no delay.’ He was not ignorant
of the dangers that beset the way; he obeyed, neverthe-
less, without a reply, and embarking on the 13th of June,
1642, he arrived at Quebec, without any untoward circun-
stance. On the Ist of August’ he set out to return, with a
convoy of thirteen canoes, well armed, and manned by
brave men.

The strength of this escort was, apparently, the ca ‘se of
its ruin, by inspiring all in it with overweening confidence.
It was afterwards ascertained, from the letters of Father
Jogues, that the chiefs of this band, which consisted
mostly of Christians or proselytes, thought far less of
guarding against any sudden attack of the enemy, than of
exhorting their men to suffer for Christ ; and most of them
manifested sentiments which filled him with confusion. The
wonder is that they persevered till death in these heroic
dispositions. It is not astonishing that He, who can turn
even crime to good, sometimes, for his own glory, permits
men to stray from the laws of prudence.

Be that as it may, the Hurons were not more than fifteen
or sixteen leagues from Quebec,‘ when, on the day after

' Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1642. p. 2.

®? The main authority for the cap-
tivity of Father Jogues is his Latin
letter, of Aug. 5, 1643, written at
Renssalaerswyck. It is published
in Alegambe, Mortes Tllustres, and
in Tanner, Societas Militans, p. 511,
although with variations from a
sworn copy of the original, preserved
at Montreal. It is given by Father
Bressani, in Italian, in his Breve
Relatione, p. 77; in French, in Mar-
tin’s Bressani, p. 188; and in Eng-
lish, in the Jogues Papers (N. Y.
Historical Society Coll, series IT, vol.
ii.), and Shea’s Perils of the Ocean
and Wilderness, p. 16. Not to mul-

tiply citations, the references will
be to Tanner, except where the man-

uscript differs. Besides this paper,
which the Relations give in sub-
stance only, there are letters and
accounts in those volumes, and a
narrative from his lips, by Father
Butcux,: still unpublished. Creux-
ius (Historia Canadensis) gives
Jogues’ captures and sufferings, pp.
888-54, 378-98.

3 Aug. 2, according to the letter of
Aug. 5, 1643, MS. (see Martin’s Bres-
sani, p. 190); although the Relation
de la Nouvelle France, 1647, p. 18,
says they left Three Rivers Aug. 1.

4 From Three Rivers: Mary of the
Incarn., letter Sept. 29, 16-42.

139

1642,
—_——

Several are
taken by
the Iro-

quois,

140

1642,
—_—_——

Most are
taken.

Father
Jogues
makes him-
self a pris-
oner,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

their departure,’ at dawn, as they were about to embark,
they perceived an Iroquois trail on the bank of the river;
but they despised an enemy to whom they deemed them-
selves far superior in numbers, and whom they conse-
quently deemed not rash enough to begin an attack.
They pursued their way without taking any precaution
against surprise, and became the dupes of this unpar-
donable security. The Iroquois braves were seventy in
number. One division lay in ambush, behind some bushes
that covered a point close at hand, which the party had
to pass; the other had crossed the river and concealed
themselves in the woods.’

As soon as the Hurons came within reach of the first
purty, a well-delivered volley of musketry wounded several
and riddled every canoe. This sudden and unforeseen
attack threw the Christians into disorder; but some of the
most agile promptly sprang ashore, and succeeded in
escaping. The bravest, supported by three or four French-
men, who accompanied Father Jogues, for some time
made a resolute defence in their canoes; but, as the we’
poured in, and there was no means of flight, they were at
last obliged to surrender, except a few who escaped in the
confusion caused among the Iroquois by their resistance ;
the rest were seized and bound.

It had depended on Father Jogues himself to follow the
first who took flight ; they indeed did all they could to in-
duce him; but the servant of God, as calm amid this
tumult asif he ho! been at full liberty, baptized a catechu-
men, and prepared him for any event. To those who
urged him to seek safety he replied that they did right to
escape, but that it did not become him to abandon his
children when they rhost needed his assistance. Charity,
exacted by duty, does not fully satisfy an apostolic heart.
The combat ended, the Hurons all taken or fled, Father

1 Second day after their departure capture the islands in Lac St. Pierre,
(MS.) Martin (Bressani, p. 190)and forty-five leagues from Quebec.
Ferland (i., p. 316) think the placeof =? They all landed and fought on

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 141

1642,

Jogues had discharged his ministry to its full extent; but
he sighed for martyrdom, and he believed that the services
Which he could, render the captives, by consoling and ex-
horting them to death, was a sufficiently justifiable motive
for exposing himself to it, and he would not miss the
opportunity,’

He accordingly advanced towards the Iroquois, who A Freneh-
seemed to pay no attention to him, thinking only of em- ihe name
barking with their capture, and he made himself tho ad
prisoner of the first one he met, saying that he would not
be separated from his beloved children, whose sad fate he
but too clearly foresaw. A Frenchman, Willam Couture,
with whom the holy man had come down from the Huron
country, had fled among the first; but he was no sooner out
of danger than he was seized with shame for having aban-
doned Father Jogues, and, without reflecting that he could
no longer be of any service to him in the hands of the
Iroquois, he used as much exertion to rush back into the
danger as he had used to escape it.’

Father Jogues was pained to see him again, and re-
proached him gently with his imprudence in a course that
could avail no one; but the error was comiitte 1. Couture
had been seized as soon as he appeared, and bound with
the other captives. Moreover, some of the best Iroquois
runners had started in pursuit of the fugitives, and
brought in several. As they arrived, the sighs of Father
Jogues redoubled ; and in a letter which he wrote to his
Provincial in France, soon after his arrival among the Iro-
quois, he declares that he felt, on this occasion, the reverse

shore, till, seeing the approach of p.512. Couture was recovered some

the other band, they broke and fled;
Tanner, p. 512. The Latin phrase is
general, but Jogues evidently took
no part in the fight.

' Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1647, p. 18; Letter of Aug. 5, Tan-
ner, p. 512, and MS,

* Letter of Father Jogues; Taner,

years after, and dying in 1702, aged
ninety-four, left a numerous poster-
ity in Canada. Monseigneur Tur-
geon, Archbishop of Quebec, and
Monseigneur Bourget, Bishop of
Montreal, are both descended from
this companion of Father Jogues :
Ferland, Cours d’Histoire, i., p. 317,

1642.
—_—_——

How all are
treated,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

of the maxim so universally received, that “ misery loves
company.”

The first thing the captors did, when they no longer
feared pursuit, was to inform their prisoners not to expect
any quarter. Couture, at the commencement of the attack,’
having killed an Troquois, was a marked man, and the first
to feel the rage of the savages.

They first crushed all his
fingers, after tearing out the nails with their teeth. Then
they ran a sword through his right hand. Father Jogues
could not behold him mutilated in this way without being
moved to his heart’s core; he ran to embrace the young
man, and as he wished to encourage him by the thought
of the eternal truths, he found him in sentiments which
charmed him, and more absorbed, he says, in his Saviour’s
sufferings than in his own.

At that moment three or four Iroquois, rushing with
a kind of fury on the missionary, rained down on his head
and naked body—for they had begun by stripping all tho
prisoners—so many blows with their clubs and stones, that
they thought they had killed him.

able time, indeed, senseless.

He lay for a consider-
He had scarcely begun to
recover when they tore out all his nails and gnawed off his
two forefingers with their teeth. Another Frenchman,
named René Goupil, quite an able surgeon, who had been
recently received by the Jesuits as a brother,’ was treated
in the same way; but nothing was done, that day, to the
other prisoners.

Some time after the booty was divided, and the captives,
twenty-two in number, were also distributed, contrary to
custom ; this allotment being generally made in the village
from which the war-party sets out. At last they took up

'He killed a great chief, on his
way back to join the missionary :
Relation de la N. 1, 1647, p. 19.

2? Tanner. p. 513.

8 Jog ues (Notice sur René Goupil, p.
23) says he was a native of Angers,

had entered the novitiate of the So-
ciety, but was forced by ill health to
leave. He then came to Canada and
became a donné of the mission. He
had some surgical knowledge, which
proved useful.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

their march, which lasted four weeks.!. The wounds of Fa-
ther Jogues and the two Frenchmen had not been dressed,
and worms were soon engendered; yet the prisoners had
to march from morning till night, with nothing scarcely
given them to eat: but the holy missionary was tonched
only at the sight of his beloved neophytes, destined to the
stake, four or five of them being main columns of the
Huron Church. He dared not flatter himself with the
same lot, unable to believe that the Iroquois would, in his
case, proceed to extremities, and by putting him to death
make irreconcilable enemies of the French.

After eight days’ march they met a party of two hundred
Troquois, going to try their fortune. Great was their joy
at the sight of so many prisoners, who were turned over
to them for some time, and whom they treated with
incredible barbarity,’ after firing a general volley in honor
of Agreskoué.’ The Indians imagine that the more cruel
they show themselves on these occasions, the greater will
be the success of their expedition. This party was, how-
ever, deceived in its expectations; for, having appeared
before Fort Richelieu, they found there the Chevalier de
Montmagny, who killed several, and compelled the rest to
retire in disorder.‘

In the event just mentioned, Father Jogues was not
more spared than the rest, but he was not so mutilated as
to disable him from rendering the services required of
slaves. This confirmed his belief that the Iroquois would
not, by putting him to death, deprive themselves of the
advantage they might derive from a hostage of his chat.
acter.. From the spot where the two parties met, they

' Two weeks only.

2 This took place on the eighth
day, on an island in Lake Cham-
plain (Jogues, Letter, Tanner, p. 518).
After leaving the lake on the 10th,
they marched four days on foot.

° The war-god of the Hurons and
Iroquois. Ante, p. 109.

4 This is the same event referred
to on p, 131: Tanner, pp. 518, 518;
Relation dela Nouvelle France; 1642,
pp. 50, 51 ; Lettres de Marie de l’In-
carnation, p. 365.

5 There is no trace of such reflec.
tions in the writings of Father
Jogues.

143

1642.
—_——_—

They meet
@ varty and
abandon
the prison-
ers to their
caprice,

Father

Jogues
again re-
fuses to

escape.

144

1642.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

made ten days’ journey in canoes, after which they had to

—~— march again, and the prisoners, most of whom could

The pris-
oners are
tortured in
three vil-
lages suc-
cessively.

scarcely stand, were, moreover, loaded with the baggage
of their pitiless masters.

Father Jogues, in his memoirs, states that the first days
his captors did not stint them in food, but that this gradu-
ally diminished, and that, towards the close of his march,
he was no less tha» three times for twenty-four hours
without tasting food, their provisions having almost entirely
failed, on account of the circuitous path which they had
been obliged to take to avoid encountering hostile war-
parties. He adds, that neither he nor Goupil, his com-
panion, were bound like the rest at night, so that they
might easily have escaped; but the reasons which had
prevented him at first diverted him to the last, and the
young surgeon would never consent to abandon him.’

At last the whole troop arrived in a village of the Mo-
hawk canton,’ where the captives were again told that they
were doomed to the stake. Here they wer treated with
such inhumanity that not a spot on tieir bodies was left
without a bruise or a wound, not a feature recognizable.
After enduring the first fury of the women and children,
they had to ascend a kind of scaffold, and at a signal the
three Frenchmen received some blows with a scourge on
the shoulders; then an old man approached Father
Jogues, attended by an Algonquin woman, a slave, to
whom he gave a knife, ordering her to cut off the mission-
ary’s right thumb.

This woman, who was a Christian, at first stood as if
stupefied, then declared that what she was ordered to do
was utterly impossible. The old man, however, resorted
to such terrible threats that she obeyed. The holy man
afterwards declared that his fear of seeing the woman tor-
tured on his account, and the joy which he subsequently
felt on seeing her escape the peril by ber obedience,

2 August 14. Jogues (Societas

1 Jogues, Notice sur René Goupil,
p. 30. Militans, p. 515) calls it Andagoron.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

enabled him to endure the pain which she gave him; yet

145

1642.

she made him suffer more exquisite torture by the irreso- —~—~

lute and trembling manner in which she performed the
operation, than if cruelty had guided her hand.’

The prisoners remained on this scaffold a day and a half,
surrounded by a confused crowd of savages, who were
allowed to subject them to any treatment short of death.
They were then taken to a second village. Here, contrary
to custom, they had to run the gauntlet; whereas, accord-
ing to rule, this should be practised only in the first town
they enter. There Father Jogues, unable longer to endure
his nakedness, asked an Iroquois whether he was not
ashamed to leave him in that state after having had so large
a share in the booty. The Indian seemed to feel the re-
proach, for he went and got a box-covering and gave it to
the missionary, who used it as best he could to cover him-
self; but as the surface of his body was all raw, this cloth,
rough in itself and bristling with bits of straw, caused him
such acute pain that he was forced to abandon it. Then the
sun, pouring down on his wounds, set bleeding afresh by
this cloth, formed a crust which fell off, from time to time,
in pieces.’

It is impossible to detail the cruel and unworthy treat-
ment which the captives endured in the second village,
especially at the hands of the young. The torture lasted
two days, and no one thought of giving them any food.
At night they were tied and shut up together in a cabin,
but pain and hunger prevented sleep from bringing any
truce to their miseries. They were treated with nearly as
great inhumanity in a third village, where four Hurons
were brought in captives by another war-party.’

These were catechumens whom Father Jogues recog-

1 Tanner, p. 515. tribe. The tribe was typically, and
Tb. p. 516. as a unit, “The Great She Bear”
3 The Mohawks were the Iroquois (“ Ganniagxari’”): Bruyas, Racines
canton nearest to the Dutch, who Agniéres. This term, in Algonquin,
adopted the Algonquin name for the was ‘“Maqua,” or, as the earlier
Vou. I.—10

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

nized and baptized. At this same place Couture had
a finger cut off, and would not have escaped wa. that had

Dutch writers give it, “ Mahakuaas”
(“ Megapolensis” in N. Y. Hist. Soc.
Coll., series II, vol. iii., p. 153), This
word became ultimately “ Mohawk.”
See intermediate forms in O'Calla-
ghan’s Index to the New York
Coll. Documents. The tribe, as in-
dividuals, called themselves ‘“ Ga-
gui¢éguéhaga” or “ Kajinjahaga ;”
the last syllable, haga, meaning
people (Bruyas, Megapolensis). They
were not a numerous tribe, and con-
tained only the three primitive fam-
ilies—the Tortoise, Anaware ; the
Bear, Ochkavi, ‘nd the Wolf, Ok-
naho (Megapolensis, p. 159). They
generally formed three towns ; but,
after a lapse of over two centuries,
the data are too indefinite to deter-
mine their site with absolute accu-
racy Father Jogues names three
towns—Ossernenon, Andagoron or
Gandagoron, and 'Teonontogen—
which he calls the most remote of
thecanton, The first was, according
to the text of the Latin letter, twenty
leagues from the Dutch post. Me-
gapolensis gives three towns—As-
seruea, of the Tortoise ; Banayiro, of
the Bear; and Thenondiogo, of the
Wolf family (p. 159). Jogues, on
his second visit, descended the
Oiogue, or Upper Hudson, to Fort
Orange, and then followed the trail to
the first town, Oneugitre—former-
ly Ossernenon. Wentworth Green-
halgh, in 1677 (Doc. Hist., i. p. 11),
gives four towns—Cahniaga, Cana-
gorha, Canajorha, and, Tionondogue.
The Jesuit missionaries, who subse-
quently established permanent Mo-
hawk missions, call Gandawagué the
modern Caughnawaga, the place of
Goupil’s and Jogues’ death (Relation,
1663, p. 6; 1670, p. 23). As to Teonon-
togen there seems no doubt, its name

having been retained by the village
near Fort Hunter. Greenhalgh de-
scribes it as having a double stock-
ade, as containing thirty houses, and
being on a hill a bow-shot from the
river (Doc. Hist., i, p. 11). It was
then north of the river, but was, soon
after, removed (ib., ii, p. 50); and
Morgan (League of the Iroquois,
map) represents it as south of the
Mohawk. Father Jogues, in repre-
senting it as the most remote, means
remote from the French, it being
evidently nearest to the Dutch.
The Andagoron or Gandagoron of
Jogues is apparently the Canagorha
of Greenhalgh. It was on a flat,
with only one stockade and sixteen
houses, and may be the Ganegahaga
of Morgan (p. 416), in Danube, Her-
kimer County, opposite E. Canada
Creek. The Ossernenon, Osserrion,
or Oneugtire of Jogues will then be
the Cahniaga of Greenhalgh, the
Gandasagué of 1668-70, and Caugh-
nawaga of our times, This is
the only town placed by Morgan
north of the Mohawk. He places it
near the mouth of the creek. Green-
halgh describes Cahniaga as doubly
stockaded, with four ports, each four
feet wide, containing twenty-four
houses, and situate on the edge of a
hill, about a bow-shot from the river-
side—meaning, apparently, Caugh-
nawaga Creek—the Mohawk being,
as we may infer from Jogues’ account
of Goupil’s death, three quarters of
a mile distant (Notice sur René
Goupil, etc., p. 41). See, too, Rela-
tion, 1653, p. 15. This is, too, evi-
dently the Andaraque (Andasaguc),
taken by Courcelle in October, 1666
(Doc. Hist., i, p. 77), with its triple
palisades and supply of water in
tanks.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 147

not a man belonging to the town taken him from his tor- 142:
turers to his own cabin, where he would not permit him —
to be touched. Nothing was more consoling to the mis- ,Jiety a i
sionary than the piety of this young man, and in general Prisoners.
of all his comrades in bondage. Not one, amid these

great and fearful tortures, failed to maintain his fervor;

some even seemed afilicted at the insufficiency of their
sufferings.’

At last, after seven weeks’ constant martyrdom, all, The lives of
contrary to their expectation and in spite of oft-repeated anes
threats, were informed that none were to be put to death ‘P a
except three chiefs. Among these was the brave Eustace,
whose conversion has been recently related. He, as well
as the other two, received his death-sentence as a sincere
Christian, and, till their last breath, they carried their
heroism as far as imagination can conceive. As soon as
they had been given up to the deputies of the villages
where they were to be burnt, the other captives’ were led
back to the first village of the three, through which they
had been paraded. Here they were to be distributed.

Up to this time, as they belonged to no one individually, some of the
Dutch ap-

no one took any care of them, and, on reaching this vil- ply for the

: : French,
lage, they were in a state of complete exhaustion; more- “°°

over, they were soon thrown back into a state of suspense
as to their fate, from which they had just been delivered.
The war-party, repulsed at Fort Richelieu, came back,
breathing only vengeance. The chief, and some of the
bravest, had been killed, while the number of wounded
was considerable." The prisoners, after having been so
long the object of the insolence of victory, were now
doomed to experience the rage and disappointment . '
defeat ; and, notwithstanding the hopes which had been

’ Tanner, p. 516. was held, to Ossernenon, and Couture
*Ib. The Latin letter says seven to Teonontogen.
days. 4 Tanner, pp. 518, 518. See ante, p.
’ Jogues and Goupil were taken 133. The Relation, 1643, says three
from Andagoron, where the council hundred,

148

1642.
—_—o

They are re-
‘used,

Martyrdom
of René
Goupil.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

kindled in their hearts, they expected it to cost them their
lives. The friends and kindred of the dead counted upon it,
when the Dutch, who were by chance in the village, asked
that the three Frenchmen should be given up to them.'

This request embarrassed the Iroquois, and led to a
kind of negotiation, in which the fury enkindled against the
prisoners somewhat abated; but this was all the benefit
which the French derived. The council at last replied to
the Dutch, that the French were no longer at their dis-
posal, it having been decided to restore them to their
countrymen. This was a mere pretext, but whether the -
Dutch understood it or not, they pressed the matter no
further, and retired. Some of the more moderate of the
Iroquois had, indeed, advised that Father Jogues and his
two companions should be sent back to Ononthio, but all
the others opposed it strongly. The three Frenchmen were
then given to different masters ; Couture’s was in another
village, and was apparently the same chief who had already
rescued him from the hands of his torturers.’

René Goupil knew his only at the moment when that
savage dealt him a blow on the head with his tomahawk,
of which he expired a moment after. He was a young
man of great innocence of life and of admirable ingenu-
ousness. Although he had commenced his novitiate at
Rouen, he was sent to Canada in his secular habit, that he
might exercise his profession with more liberty and deco-
rum ; but though he did not wear the religious habit, his
conduct was not the less strict, and his piety merited the
first crown of martyrdom in New France ; for his master’s
motive in thus depriving him of life was, that an old man
having seen him make the sign of the cross on a child, had

1 Father Jogues, in his letter (Tan-
ner, p. 518), says the Dutch official
(Van Curler) came “de liberatione
nostri acturus,” not by chance (Re-
lation de la Nouvelle France, 1648,
p. 64). For Van Curler’s own account,
see O'Callaghan, New Netherland, i,

pp. 885, 468, 464; De Vries, Voyages
from Holland to America, translated
from the Dutch by Henry C. Murphy,

New York, 1853, p. 187. Van Cur-
ler was accompanied by Jacob Jansen
and John Labadie.

2 'Tanner, p. 518,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 149

told his master that if he kept René he would kill the 1642.

whole village with his spells. i
Father Jogues, who had admired his virtue in life, did

not scruple to invoke him, after so precious a death, as a

confessor of Christ. He even expected to share his erown.

He witnessed the execution, and not doubting but that

they had also resolved to make way with him, he was

about to kneel at the murderer’s feet to receive his death-

blow in that posture; but the Indian bade him rise, be-

cause, though he deemed him as guilty as his comrade,

he had no power of life or death over him. The apostolic

man, again disappointed in his hope of martyrdom, thought
thence forward only of sanctifying his chains, and rendering
his bondage useful to those who had done him so much evil.’
At first he was rather closely watched, but in the sequel Father
he had a little more liberty, and he even traversed, unop- profits by
C F ‘ his captiv-
posed by his master, the whole Mohawk canton in which ity to make
he was, and the only one which, till then, had openly gee
declared against us. In one of his excursions an event ang ae
occurred which gave him great consolation. As he went Wonderful
from cabin to cabin, in a village near his own, to see sions.
whether he could find any dying children on whom he

could confer baptism, he heard a voice at a distance calling

uois,

him; he ran to the spot, and entering the cabin from
which the sound came, he beheld a sick man, who looked
at him steadily and asked whether the missionary did not
recognize him. He replied that he did not recollect having
seen him. “And I,” said the Indian, “ recognize you well.
Do you recollect the day when you were hung up by the
arms with ropes, that cut deep into you and gave you such
intense pain?” ‘TI yremember it well,” replied the mission-
ary. “And I,” continued the Indian, “was the one who

192

took pity on you and cut you down.

1 Jogues, Novum Belgium . A °* Relation de la Nouvelle France,
et Notice sur René Goupil, pp. 22-- 1847, p. 32; 1643, p. 81; Creuxius,
44; Tanner, p.518. René was killed Historia Canadensis, p. 381.
on St, Michacl’s day, Sept. 29.

150 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

1642, The servant of God, overjoyed to find a man whom he
— y=" had long sought to express his gratitude, threw himself
upon his neck and embraced him: “ Brother,” he said, “ it
depends only on yourself to let me render to you, a hun-
dredfold, all the good you did me, and the memory of
which is as fresh in my mind as it was at that moment,
when you d. me» _veat a charity. An enemy, more
eruel than al! ‘1 tortured me, holds you in fetters :
you are, perhe:. +. last moment of your life, and if,
before that fatai ioment v ‘hich will close your existence,
you do not throw off the your of this pitiless master, what
will become of you? I shudder for you when I think of it.
Eternal flames will surround and burn but never consume
you. The most horrible torments you have ever conceived
to glut your vengeance on your enemies, do not approach
what will be suffered through all eternity by those who do

not die Christians.”

These few words, pronounced in that tone which renders
apostolic men so powerful in words, made all the impres-
sion the missionary could desire on a heart in which
charity had paved the way for the operations of grace.

The sick man asked to be instructed ; and the missionary

had scarcely begun to explain the chief mysteries of the
faith than he perceived that an unseen master anticipated
his teaching, and impressed the truths of Christianity in
this predestined soul. The sick man opposed no doubts
to our most incomprehensible mysteries. He believed,
was baptized, and died, a few days after, in the arms of
the servant of God, in all the sentiments which character-
ize the death of the saints.’

A conquest of this kind was more than enough to make
his bondage precious to the man of God ; but it was not the
only one, and ere long the whole Mohawk canton, which
he had bedewed with his blood, produced an abundant
harvest. Another Indian, wishing to save his life, re-

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, p. 82.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 151
ceived on his arm a blow of a tomahawk, aimed at his life,
and heaven rewarded him in the same manner as it did
the Indian I have just mentioned.’ Many other sick
Indians listened with docility to the instructions of the
holy missionary, in whom they were always accompanied
by all that the most tender and ingenious charity can
inspire a great heart; and by his earnest care a great
number of children went to swell the choir in heaven that
follows the Lamb without spot.’ These conversions cost
him much toil. The mere journeys were a great torture
to © man whose strength was exhausted, and who was
forced to live almost entirely on roots. Not that the In-
dians refused him the necessaries of life; but as, gen-
erally, nothing was set before him that had not been first
offered to Agreskoué, he did not believe that he could in
conscience touch it.’

It was about this same time that a nation dwelling
about south-southwest of the Huron country, and four « :
five days’ journey off, was visited by the Jesuits, who
announced to it the kingdom of God.‘ These Fathers
give it, in their memoirs, no name but that of the Neutral
nation, apparently because they declined to take any part
in the war then desolating the whole country.’ But it

1642,
es

Great num-
ber of other
CONVOr=
sions.

Neuter nae
tion

'This case is misplaced here.
The Indian wounded in the arm,
while trying to save Father Jogues,
was Kiotsaeton, wounded when the
missionary was killed, in 1647: Re-
lation, 1648, p. 6; Creuxius, His-
toria Canadensis, p. 609.

* Relation de la N. F., 1647, p.
81; 1648, p. 81; Tanner, p. 525.

’ Tanner, p. 521.

4 The Neuters lay on both sides of
the Niagara (Relation, 1641, p. 71).
Bressani makes them one hundred
miles from the Hurons, and extend-
ing over a territory of one hundred
and fifty miles (Martin's Bressani,
p. 62). The Hurons and Neuters
called each other Attiwandaronk,

meaning “people of a language a
little different” (Relation dela Nouv.
France, 1641, p. 72). The Jesuits
were not the first to visit them, as
remarked below.

5 The name Neuter is given by
Champlain, Voyages, ed. 1619, and
ed. 1682, p. 278; Table, p. 7; Sa
gard, Grand Voyage, p. 211. Dail-
lon’s letter, July 1&8, 1627 (in Sagard,
pp. 880-92. Le Clereg, i, p. 360)
describes their country, which evi-
dently included oil-springs, since he
mentions among their products very
good oil, which they call a touron-
ton. Sagard (p. $93) says the word
means “Oh, how much there is!” not
inapplicable to the oil in that region.

Fruits of

grace on

this mis-
sion,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

could not, in the sequel, avoid its utter destruction ;
although to shield itself from the fury of the Iroquois,
who, unprovoked, had made several incursions into their
territory, they offered to take their side and join them
against the Hurons, from whom, apparently, they sprang.

This step did not save them. The Iroquois were then
in a destructive mood ; and as lions, when once they have
tasted blood, cannot glut themselves with it, and no more
spare those who feed and fondle them than those who
hunt them, these barbarians swooped down without dis-
tinction on all whom they met in their course: and now
no trace is left of the Neutral nation. These Indians
were, it is said, larger, stronger, and better made than
most of the rest. They had almost all the manners and

customs of the Hurons, except that they were even more

eruel to their prisoners of war; for they burnt women
with the same cruelty as men, while the Hurons killed
them on the spot. They also showed less modesty, were
not so sedentary, and lived rather by hunting than by
agriculture, cultivating the ground but little.’

God had his clect among these savages, but only few in
number, and Fathers Chaumonot and de Brebeuf were his
instruments to separate the few good grains scattered in
the mass of tares.’? As early as 1626, Father de Daillon, a
Recollect, penetrated to their country ; but as he did not
know their language, he could announce Christ only by
signs. This holy religious suffered greatly on this excur-
sion; but he was consoled by the hope that his sweat
would fertilize that sterile field.’

The two Jesuits whom I have just named had been in-
vited by the leading men to visit the tribe; but they
did not find the Neuters by far so favorably disposed

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, 3 See his interesting letter in Sa-
1641, p. 73. gard, Histoire du Canada, p. 880-92

2 Relation de la Nouvelle France, —abridged in le Clercq, Etablisse-
1641, pp. 71-81; Chaumonot, Auto- ment de la Foi, i., p. 846; Relation
biographie, p. 53. de la N. F., 1641, p. 74.

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IUSTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

to hearken to them. Still, their charity to the sick, their
mildness and their patience, won the hearts of some,
whom they succeeded in making fervent proselytes. This
first success would have had consoling results, had it been
possible for these missionaries to prolong their stay among
this people ; but they were soon recalled to the Hurons,
whose misfortunes increased daily.’

It was not only war that desolated them : famine and dlis-
ease inflicted no less serious ravages among them. But if
all these complicated evils were stumbling-blocks for the
hardened, they strengthened the faith and increased the
piety of the true faithful. They were even the instru-
ments employed by God to draw many of the heathen to
his worship. Clearly defined marks of the vengeance of
an offended Deity contribuica also. Soon after Father
Jogues’ capture a whole Huron village was destroyed.
The Iroquois entered at daybreak, and the sun rose on
every cabin in ashes, every inhabitant, of whatever age or
sex, slaughtered by the conquerors. Only some score
escaped through the flames. This village had never
been willing to receive the gospel, and had carried its
impiety so far as to defy the God of the Christians. Its
destruction was regarded as a chastisement of heaven,
and many profited by so striking a mark of God’s
wrath,’

A less melancholy event produced no less salutary
results for the Huron nation. One of the war-parties was
setting out, when the idolaters, forming the majority,
wished as usual to consult the god of war; and the medi-
cine-man, to whom they applied to know his will, promised
them victory if they went southward. While they were
engaged in their superstitious rites the Christians assem-
bled apart to pray; and when they jearned the demon’s
answer, or that of his tool, the youngest, armed with a holy

' Relation de la N. F., 1641, p.75. town of Ehwae. See Relation da la
*'This alludes, apparently, to the Nouvelle France, 1641, p. 69.

1643.
—_—_—o~

Judgment

of God ona

Huron vil-
lage.

Its result.

Information
given by
Father
Jogues to
the govern-
or-general.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

indignation, and with gestures that attracted the attention
of the whole village, conjured the Almighty not to permit
success to verify the word of the father of lies. “Thy
own Glory is at stake,’ he added; “show that Thou art
the only arbiter of our lot. If the promises of the enemy
of our salvation are accomplished, these men will blas-
pheme Thy holy name; but let us rather perish all than
witness so great an evil.””’

These sentiments will perhaps appear to some above
the scope of an Indian, and especially of an Indian con-
vert; but it must be remembered that they can come in
no man, but from Him to whom it is as easy to inspire the
most gross as the most cultivated of men. The young
man did not stop there; for addressing his fellow-braves,
he said: “ My brethren, let us beware of yielding to the
enemy of our souls, by following the route he marks out.
Let us go westward. We shall, to all appearance, run
greater risk, but the God of armies will be on our side.”
The two bands accordingly separated. The Christians
met none of the enemy and no mishap: the idolaters were
defeated with severe loss. Then several Indians, struck
by an event which attested the ignorance and impotence
of Agreskoué, or rather the imposture of the medicine-
men, openly declared for the Deity whose power the
young Christian had so greatly exalted.’

Meanwhile, tidings reached Quebec from Father Jogues,
who was supposed to be dead. One of the Hurons taken
with him escaped and reached the Chevalier de Mont- Hy
magny. He told him that the missionary was in the
hands of an Iroquois chief, who had no power over him,
the canton having declined to waive its right to dispose of
him ; that it seemed, from time to time, disposed to send
him back; but that the holy man was in constant danger,
and his life hung by a thread, amid a fierce, capricious,
and superstitious people, whom the Dutch phed with i

1 Relation de la N. F., 1644, p. 70. 2 Tb.

a
t
y
t
iy

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

drinks that filled all the land with drunkards and caused
fearful disorders.’

A few days after, the governor-general received a letter
from Father Jogues himself. It stated that the whole
Iroquois nation was in arms, and seemed resolved to give
the Hurons no truce till it destroyed them; that their
project was to ruin all their villages, take all the prisoners
they could, so as to incorporate them in their cantons and
to fill up the losses made by war; that if the French
delayed any longer to assist an allied nation, already num-
bering many Christians, whose trade was useful, not to
say necevsary, to the French colony, its loss was certain ;
and then men would repent, when too late, for not having
sustained it. He added that they should not be withheld
by fears of what might happen to him if the efforts of the
Iroquois were repulsed ; that they should be convinced,
once for all, that the way to bring these savages to terms
and assure the safety of his own person, was not to humor
them at the expense of our allies, but to inspire them with
respect for the French name; that under any event he
would be overjoyed to sacrifice his life for the cause of
religion, the good of the colony, the honor of France, and
the preservation of his beloved Hurons.’

The governor admired the devotedness of the mission-
ary; and, in his inability to give the Hurons the aid
they required, deemed that nothing should be neglected,
and no time lost, to save a man whose captivity had
already cost so many tears. He had just learned that
some Algonquins had brought into Quebec a Sokoki cap-
tive. This tribe, lying near New England, was then allied
to the Iroquois. He ransomed the captive; and though
he had been very badly treated by those in whose hands
he was, he was so well cared for, by the governor's orders,
that he was perfectly cured. He was then loaded with

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, Nouvelle France, 1643, p. 66; Perils
1648, p. 68 ; 1644, p. 71. of the Ocean and Wilderness, p.
° See the letter, Relation de la 63.

155

1643.
—_——

Unavailin
efforts made
to deliver
him,

156 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

= tole as

1643. presents and put in the hands of an Abénaquis, who led
—y—"” him back to his village."
This man not only avowed openly his obligations to the
French, but also induced his tribe to send and ask Father
Jogues from the Mohawks. Deputies were appointed,
who supported their request with presents. These depu-
ties were well received and their presents accepted. They,
in fact, no longer doubted the success of their negotiation,
because there is nothing more sacred among the Indians
than the obligation incurred by such an acceptance.
Nevertheless, when the time came for explanation, the
Mohawks declared bluntly that they were determined not
to restore the missionary to liberty.’
Helearns About the month of July, this same year, the village
dothisie- Where the servant of Giod was sent off a large party to
cided. fish. He had changed masters, and was now in the
hands of an old woman, on whose treatment he had reason
to congratulate himself. As she resolved to go with the
party, he was obliged to attend her. He had scarcely
reached the destination, when he heard that some Huron
prisoners had been brought down to the village he had
left, and burned. He experienced a poignant grief 2+
haying been unable to be present and attend them
death ; and fearful that the scene should be renewed in

his absence, he sought and obtained pcr: ission to return.’
On his way he passed a Dutes setiicv ent, which he

entered, and was there assured that !c would be infallibly
burned on his arrival in the village. The proof alleged
for this was the fact, that an Iroquois party having been
again repulsed at Fort Richelieu, this check was attributed
to him; because a Huron had deserted from that party

1 Relation de la N. F. 1643, pp. is styled by Druilletes (Narré du be
44,77. The Sokokiois (Soquakiaks, Voyage) the river of the Sokokis, be
those of the Southernland), were an Maurault, Hist. des Ab., p.5, 132. 2
Algonquin tribe, lying between the ? Relation de la N. F., 1643, p. 77. |
Mohegans and the Abénakis, The * Relation de la Nouvelle France,

1467, p. 33; 1648, p. 75.

Connecticut (Kunateguk, Longriver)

=

a

esta init

se

SESE cae a. pe Si

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 157

and carried a letter from the missionary to the governor 1643.
of the French. This was the letter already mentioned, —~—~
and all the circumstances were exactly true.’ The holy
man subsequently avowed that this information at first
filed him with alarm, but that, after gathering strength
from prayer, he, without a struggle, offered to God the
sacrifice of his life. Thus the Almighty permits the great-
est souls to feel, from time to time, all their weakness, in
order that they may in nowise depend on their own
virtues ; but when they humble themselves in His pres-
ence, by acknowledging their need of His aid, He is never
wanting.

The servant of God accordingly prepared to pursue his
way, resolved to meet any event, when a Dutch officer,
who commanded in that district, arrived at the post.
Perceiving a European led by a band of Indians, he asked
who he was. He was told that he was Father Jogues, and
they added that he was on the point of being burned. He
was touched ; and as he sought an opportunity to gratify
the Chevalier de Montmagny, from whom he had recently
received a service, he felt that he could do nothing more
agreeaLie to that governor than to obtain the liberiy of
the missionary.” He formed a plan; and it is even
asserted that orders to that effect had been sent out to all
the commandants in New Netherland by the States-
General, in consequence of the most urgent request of the
Queen-Regent of France.

Be that as it may, the officer, after deliberating for a A Do of.

. ° . : fic rs

time on the means of carrying out his project, called ts se
. I )

Father Jogues and told him that there was a vessel at ; Ste

anchor quite near the post, which was to weigh forthwith ° ''° lr
for Virginia ; that he would be secure there, and once

at Jamestown, would find convenient opportunities for

going to any point he chose. The holy religious, aft

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, ® Relation de la Nouvelle France,
16438, p. 75; Memoirs, MS. 1643, p. 75.

158 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1643. testifying his gratitude, asked a night to deliberate on ,
—~\— his offer. This surprised the commandant not a little, for fy
he could not conceive how a man in so critical a position
could hesitate for a moment to extricate himself.
He accepts The servant of God spent the whole night in prayer:
the offer, : F P ec. 8
and after considering that his death was certain if he re-
turned to his village; that such a death could be of no
benefit, but, on the contrary, only remove still further all
hope of peace between the Iroquois and the French; that
not having started on his parole, but under an escort
assigned by his captors to watch him, he was not bound
' to refuse the means of escape offered; and that by saving
his life he might also be useful to the tribes in Canada, he
returned to the commandant early next morning and told
him that he put himself at his disposal. This officer, with-
out losing a moment, began by inducing the Indians not
to start that day, as they intended. He then went to
make sure of the crew of the vessel, and all being well-
disposed, he notified Father Jogues to come the next night
to the sea-shore, where he would find a oat ready to take
him on board
He escapes. ‘The difliculiy was to baffle the vigilance of his guards,
much greater by night than by day, and to avoid meeting
other Iroquois, who kept coming and going incessantly in
that quarter. He was shut up at night in a barn, and as
they did not give him an opportunity to examine whether
there was any other outlet than the ordinary door by
which he could steal away, as soon as he was shut up
with his guardians he made a pretext for going out. He
yas scarcely however outside, when a dog, set loose on a
neighboring farm, ran on him and bit him in the leg. He
went in badly wounded, and the barn-door was immediately
barricaded, so that he could not open it without great noise.
All the Indians then lay down around their prisoner.’

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, nadensis, p. 389; Buteux, Narré,
1648, p. 76; Creuxius, Historia Ca- Mb,

35
8
n
Ss
r
y
p
8
a
)

Sq

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

The servant of God then deemed flight impossible, and

He bowed to its decrees and slept calmly. A little before
daybreak a servant of the place entered by a door which
the Indians had not noticed. Father Jogues, who awoke
or was no longer asleep, motioned to the man to quiet the
dogs; he rose softly, went out vith him and made his way
to the riverside. He found the boat, but without sailors,
and so high up on the bank that he could not succeed in
getting it afloat. He got as near the vessel as he could,
aud called to them to send some one to him. No reply
came. He went back to the boat, imploring the Almighty
to increase his strength if it was His will that he should
escape from the hands of the Iroquois. His renewed efforts
succeeded ; the boat was at last pushed into the water and
he reached the vessel.’

He was well received, put down in the hold, and a case
laid on the hatchway, so that if the Indians came on hoard
they might be left to search all over without any fear of
their finding him. On two occasions he spent twenty-four
hours in this kind of dungeon, shut out from the light of
day and almost stifled. At the end of that time they came
to tell him that the Iroquois insisted, with violent threats,
that he should be given up, and the tone of their remarks
induced him to believe that they did not wish to get into
trouble with them. Like Jonas, he replied: “If for my
sake this great tempest is upon you, cast me into the sea.”
He was then informed that the commandant wished to
see him at his house. He made no reply, and in spite of
the sailors, who would have kept him by force, got into
the boat and was taken back to the post.’

The commandant assured him that he would be safe in
his house ; adding, that all in the place agreed that it was
best for him to leave the vessel, then on the point of sail-
ing, so that they could assure the Indians that he had not

' Rel, 1643, p. 77; Buteux, MS, ? Rel., 1648, p. 78; 1647, p. 33.

159

1643.

' easily persuaded himself that heaven did not approve it, —~—

Al

160

1643.

—y—" Jogues conceived fully the extent of his danger, but ag

Me arrives
nygland,

He crosses
over to
France,

1644.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

gone, and thus treat more amicably with them. Father

escape no longer depended on him, he told the officer to
dispose of him as he chose. Two weeks after, that is to
say, about the middle of September, several Indians camo
from the village where he had been a slave, bent apparently
on forcing the Dutch to give him up.’

The commander was greatly embarrassed. He was in no
condition to resist the Indians if they resorted to violence.
He offered to ransom their prisoner, and finally succeeded
in inducing them to accept some presents. He then sent
Father Jogues to Manhattan,’ where he embarked in a
small vessel of fifty tons, which sailed on the 5th of No-
vember for Holland. The voyage was a favorable one;
but a high wind, that sprang up as they were entering the
British Channel, compelled the captain to put in at Fal-
mouth, in England. As soon as they came to anchor all
the crew landed, leaving only a single man to guard the
vessel. In the evening robbers came on board and seized
all that suited them, leaving Father Jogues almost naked.’

He would have died of cold and hunger had not a French
ship come by chance to anchor in the same port. The
saptain, informed of the missionary’s condition, gave him
seas mable relief. On Christmas eve, Father Jogues hear-
ing that a collier was about to start for Brittany, asked a
passage on board: it was cheerfully granted, and he
landed, in a sailor's garb, between Brest and St. Paul de
Leon.’ On the 5th of January’ he presented himself, in the

—.

8 O'Calleghan, New Netherland,
i, p. 886; Relation de la Nouvelle
France, 1648, pp. 79, 81.

4 This port is properly St. Pol de
Leon: Relation de la N. F., 1647,
p. 84. Creuxius gives some details
as to his landing in France, which
are not in the Relation; Historia
Canadensis, p. 391.

5 Jogues, Letter of January 5,
1644,

1 For his condition while concealed
on shore, see Relation de la Nou-
velle France, 1647, p. 33.

2 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1647, p. 34. Father Jogues wrote
an interesting description of the
Dutch colony: Novum Belgium, De-
scription de Nieuw Netherland et
Notice sur René Goupil, New York,
1862. Published also separately,
in English, with notes, in 4o,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 161

same guise, at the door of the College at Rennes, and 1644.
asked for the rector, for whom, he said, he had tidings of =~"
Father Jogues. The rector came down at once, and the
supposed sailor, without uttering a word, handed him an
open letter given him by the Governor of Manhattan, with
the view of obtaining for him in Holland whatever he
might need to reach France.’

The rector, before reading the paper, asked him what He asks a

dispensa-
had become of Father Jogues. The holy man looked at: tio to say

him with a smile. The rector recognized him then, fell on Ms."
his neck, bathed him in tears, and was so affected that for The Povets
a time he clasped him to his heart, unable to utter a word, "PY:
The servant of God remained a few days at Rennes and

set out for Paris, where his escape was known and he him-

self impatiently expected. The Queen Mother wished to

see him, and gave him a welcome worthy of her piety.’

The Pope, from whom he solicited permission to celebrate

the divine mysteries with his mutilated hands, replied that

it would be unjust to refuse a martyr of Christ the right to

drink the blood of Christ: “ Indignum esset Christi mar-

tyre, Christi non bibere sanguinem.”

It must be confessed that the holy missionary was then His especial
in a delicate position for virtue less solid than animated “ces
him. Nothing is so apt to seduce a heart, where a spark
of ambition and self-love remains, as to see one’s self
honored on such just grounds, as a saint who has done
and suffered what seems to exceed the powers of man.

But Father Jogues, taught that God is jealous not only of
the glory which emanates from his own excellenco but
also of that which he derives from our virtues, which we
owe to his grace, would not expose himself to lose the
fruit of his toils and sufferings by the least feeling of
complacency. Never was man more deeply grounded in
humility ; it was his especial characteristic, and he was,

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, ° Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1647, p. 35. 1647, p. 35.
Vox. If,—11

162 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1644. therefore, far removed from any idea that he had done
—Y—" aught for which Heaven should lay up any reward.
He returns He was not even tempted to remain in France, where he

to Canada, ' P . ‘
News which received applause, and he in fact remained only till the

a i departure of the first vessels that sailed for Quebec. He
found the affairs of New France in a pitiful state. His
beloved Hurons were everywhere a prey to the Iroquois,
and for some time no tidiugs from their country had
reached Quebec, unless to announce the defeat of a party
or the destruction of a town. The number of Christians,
nevertheless, increased daily, and their faith gathered
strength in these very adversities which had so long re-
tarded their conversion.

These times of storm and persecution have been in all
infant churches seasons of plenty in all heavenly benedic-
tion, and have never failed to be fruitful in good Christians,
Canada, to the close of the last century, was a very strik-
ing proof this truth, and we have seen meny illustrious
witnesses. I enjoyed even the happiness of living with
some of those who were actors on that bloody stage, and
who could, like Saint Paul, show on their bodies the marks
of Christ. But not only were the apostles of New France
not unworthy of being compared with the founders of the
noblest churches, but some of their neophytes also re-
called the fairest days of the Primitive Church; and I
should deem myself wanting the fidelity of history were I,
in deference to what is called the taste of our age, to pass
over in silence the more wonderful facts of this kind that
I find in the annals of Canada, and more capable of glorify-
ing him who, from the heart of barbarism, could raise up
true children to Abraham.’

At the very time that Gcd seemed to have abandoned
the Hurons to the fire and steel of the Iroquois, it was im-
possible to enter a town without meeting some of those

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, 409; Lettre de M. Marie de l'Incar-
1647, p. 36. nation, & Ia Superieure des Ursu-
2 Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p. lines, Sept. 29, 1642.

=

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eh AE

i

IISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

chosen souls whom grace raises above man, to confound

163

1644.

those whose passions lower them beneath the grade of ---~

beasts. The apostolical spirit animated many; there were

Fervor and
Banctity of

three who undertook to preach the gospel to the Neuter the Hurous.

nation,’ where the missionaries, on account of their small
number, could not make a long stay, and the Lord blessed
their zeal beyond their hopes. ‘To the lively and pathetic
eloquence natural to these people, they added the force of
example, always more persuasive than the most eloquent
words.

Among uese new apostles was one, Joseph Taonde-
choren, who had been taken with Father Jogues, and had
been indeed the first to bear to Quebec tidings of the holy
missionary.” One day a number of heathens, who were in
company with him, expressed great surprise at his never
allowing a single word to escape him evincing the slightest
resentment against the Iroquois who had treated him so
cruelly. “It is,” he replied, “because God diffuses over
sufferings endured for his sake joys so pure and consola-
tions so striking, that no animosity can be felt against
those who have been the instruments.” He then spoke so
forcibly on the excellence of the Christian religion, and the
miraculous manner in which it changes the heart of man,
that most were moved and many convinced of the necessity
of embracing it.'

The isiand of Montreal was gradually filling up with
settlers, and the piety of these new colonists gradually
prepared the Indians who had intercourse with them to
submit to the yoke of the Faith. Their most frequent
intercourse was with the Algonquins, living on an island
formed by the Ottawa; but their chief‘ seemed imbued

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, 5 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1644, pp. 96, 97. They were Barna- 1644, p. 82.
by Otsinonannhont, Stephen Totiri, 4 TessXehas, called by the French
and his brother, le Borgne de I'Isle ; Relation de la
* Relation de la Nouvelle France, Nouvelle France, 1648, p. 54 ; Creux-
1644, p. 81. ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 373.

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164

1644.

Miraculous
conversion
of an Al-
gonquin.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

with an unconquerable aversion to Christianity, and ally

—~— as he was, or sought to be deemed, of the French, the

missionaries found in him a more difficult antagonist than
the Iroquois themselves. It was not that he was more
wrapped up in his superstitious practices, but he was
a man violent to ferocity, extremely haughty, and ill-
disposed.

God seems at times to delight in triumphing over some
of these intractable hearts and perverse souls, whose con-
quest all must admit to be solely the work of His all-
powerful mercy. Such was, to all appearance, the conver-
sion of the Algonquin chief. Every thing was supernatural
in the manner in which the unexpected change was
wrought. This savage had a nephew,’ who took it into
his head to settle on the island of Montreal. Mr. de
Maisonneuve, to whom he went, neglected no argument to
confirm his intention ; and as his main object was to gain
him to Christ, he begged Father Vimond and Father
Poncet, who were happily then with him, to instruct the
Algonquin in our mysteries.

They joyfully consented, and found in this man and in
his wife so much mildness and docility, that, after the
ordinary trials to test their constancy, they baptized them
both. These two converts had promised to settle on the
island, and they kept their word. They did more. The
grace of the sacrament had enkindled in them a zeal for
the salvation of souls—a zeal soon blessed with fruit ; but
the conversion most yearned for was that of their uncle.
Although they saw no human probability of success, they
nevertheless undertook it, and were preparing to visit him
in his village, when they learned that he had started for
the winter hunt. This mischance grieved them, but they
soon saw that Divine Providence has modes of action un-
known to men; and if they had not the honor of contrib-

! Joseph *masasikseie: Relation la Colonie Francaise, i., p. 460. His
de la N. F., 1648, p. 54; Creuxius, tribe was the Kichesipirini, called by
Hist. Canad., p 378; Faillon, Hist.de the Hurons Hehonqaeronon.

Pree

F

5

PT neem ceca tensa

t
'
j
t

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

uting to a conversion so desired, except perhaps by wrest-
ing it from Heaven by their prayers, the manner in which
it was effected gave them no less consolation, and strength-
ened their faith.

One day, when the husband was conversing with Father
Vimond on the matter, they were both extremely surprised
to see the chief enter the room where they were; but
their astonishment increased all the more when, in reply
to a question as to the motive of his coming, he stated
that he was there to become a Christian. Father Vimond
asked the motive for so sudden a resolution, at variance
with all his previously expressed sentiments. ha declared
that it was impossible for him to tell it; that, as he was
proceeding from Fort Richelieu to Three Rivers, a sudden
change took place in his mind, which he did not under-
stand; and that, by a movement which he could not
control, he had taken his way back to Montreal, to be
instructed in the doctrine of the Christians. He added
that his wife was in the same disposition as himself.
Then addressing Father Vimond: “ Father,” said he, “I
am not well: nevertheless, if you refuse me this favor
which I ask, I am resolved to go to the Hurons, where I
hope they will grant it.””

His nephew listened to all this like a man who knows
not whether he dreams or is awake ; then, unable to con-
tain the joy that transported him, he ran to Mr. de Mai-
sonneuve to inform him what he had seen and heard. The
governor wished to examine in person so improbable a
fact; and finding it real, embraced the convert, assured
him of his friendship, and told him that he would under-
take to induce the superior-general to gratify his desire.
Father Vimond was not less eager to see the accomplish-
ment of a work the results of which could not fail to be so
advantageous to religion ; but the affair was not one to be

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, _nadensis, p. 378 ; Faillon, Histoire de
1643, p. 55; Creuxius, Historia Ca- la Colonie Frangaise, i., p. 461,

165

1644.
—_—_——

166 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1644. treated precipitately. Moreover, numbers of other In-
—y—" dians came in daily for instruction ; and two priests, who
had also other duties to fulfil, were unequal to ro great
a task.

This last difficulty, however, was soon raised. ll,
including the governor himself, aided the missionaries in
instructing the catechumens—women taking charge of
those of their own sex; and as it was perceived that
grace acted even more efficaciously within than the most
touching exhortation could without, at the end of eight
days’ assiduous labor all were deemed in a condition to
receive baptism. Mr. de Maisonneuve was god-father to
the Chief of the Isle, and Madame de la Peltrie god-
mother—a sally of somewhat restless zeal (soon, however,
to resume its even tenor) having brought her to Mon-
treal.'

Father Vimond never had reason to repent his facility in
receiving these Indians into ‘he fold committed to his vigi-
Time did not relax their fervor. The whole was done

Fervor of
the Algon-
quin mis-

sions, lance

by a kind of inspiration, and all recognized visibly what is
one of the most important points of the science peculiar

to apostoiic men—that if the Author of Nature sometimes
goes beyond the laws which he himself has established in
the ordinary course of events, there are also occasions
where his ministers should not confine themselves too
scrupulonsly to the rules of measured prudence.

The whole Algonquin nation felt the effect of the events
just occurred at Montreal, and gradually the number of
Christians there exceeded that of the heathen. Three
Rivers’ and Tadoussac’ had also their Indian missionaries.

1 Tegssehat—called, in Huron, On-
desson, and by the French, le Borgne
de I’Isle (Rel., 1646, p. 7)—was_ bap-
tized March 9, 1643: Relation de la
Nouvelle France, 1643, p. 54 ; Creux-
ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 376;
Faillon, Histoire de la Colonie Fran-
caise, i., p. 461. The island which

he inhabited is the present Ile des
Allumettes. It was here that Father
Jerome Lalemant was assailed, See
ante, p. 111.

® Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1643, p. 45.

5 Relation do la Nouvelle France,
1643, p. 82; 1644, p. 55.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

Neophytes were seen undertaking prolonged journeys, in 1644.
the most inclement season, solely with the view to an- —\—
nounce Christ to tribes far remote ; and those who could

not leave their towns for so long a period did not allow

their zeal to remain inactive. In public and private meet-

ings they incessantly inculcated obedience to their pastors

and submission to the sacred laws of the Church. Those

who had any authority over the multitude could not

bring themselves to allow any fault to pass unpunished,

little as it might have attracted notice or given scandal,

and it was often somewhat difficult to moderate their
severity in the matter.

At Sylleri especially men admired what the first-fruits
of grace in a new-formed Christian fold could effect.'
This town was not exposed, as it was some time after, to
the attacks of the Iroquois; but however little its inhab-
itants went from it, they ran the risk of being carried off,
and this had already happened to several. Deprived thus
of all recourse to the chase, on which these tribes cannot
avoid relying, they were often reduced to want of the
actual necessaries of life. The French did all in their
power to relieve their more pressing wants; but being
themselves generally poor, their charity was a feeble re-
source for so many famishing creatures. Besides the
little taste and skill ever shown by Algonquin tribes for
the cultivation of the earth, these Christians, often com-
pelled to shut themselves up in the palisades of their
towns to escape the Iroquois war-parties that were in the
field, were unable either to till their fields in safety or to
count on reaping the little they had sowed.

This wretched state, to which there was no apparent
remedy, did not, however, diminish the confidence of these
fervent proselytes in Divine Providence. Ill-disposed
men in vain used every stratagem to withdraw them from
the service of a God who, they said, forsook them, and let

’ Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1643, pp. 8, 12; 1644, p. 4.

168

1644,
—_~—_—

Calumnies
invented in
France
against the
Jesuits of
Canada,

Their justi-
fication.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

their enemies and his own triumph. Not only was their
faith proof to a temptation which often overcomes those
born and brought up in the bosom of the Church, but it
did not even cool their zeal, and their numbers daily
increased. Proselytes came to Sylleri from the far North,
and it was not unusual to see the very men entering the
fold who had used the greatest exertions to seatter it.

Such was the situation of Christianity in New France,

when news came that astounded every man of henor in
the colony. Who, in fact, could imagine that mission-
aries, whose sanctity, labors, and disinterestedness were
admired by all, could all at once see themselves under the
necessity of making statements to justify their conduct,
and persuade the public that if was not interests of trade
that kept them in the midst of barbarism, exposed to all
the dangers that we have witnessed? Yet this was
asserted in Europe; and destitute of all probability as
these calumnies were, they were spread with the greater
assurance, as many gave them credence.

The Company of One Hundred Associates was no less
amazed at these clamors than the inhabitants of New
France, who saw the falsehood with their very eyes. As
the Company was most deeply interested in preventing
the trade imputed to the Jesuits, and better able to know
the facts by means of the agents which it maintained in
Canada, it deemed itself bound in honor to defend the
accused, and did so by an authentic declaration, which is
in these words :

“The Directors and Associates in the Company of New
France, called Canada, having heard that some persons
are persuaded, and spread the report, that the Society of
the Jesuit Fathers has a share in the embarkation, returns,
and trade carried on with that country—seeking by this
means to lower and destroy the esteem and value of the
great labors which those missionaries undertake in said
country, with incredible pain and hardship, at the peril of
their life, for the service and glory of God, in converting

Ss ae ww "Ss

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

the Indians to the faith of Christianity and the Roman

Catholic Apostolic religion, ia which they have made and

daily make great progress—of which the said Company is
particularly informed, have deemed themselves bound by
the obligation of Christian charity to disabuse those who
entertain this belief by the Declaration and Certificate,
which they make by these presents, that the said Jesuit
Fathers are not associates in the said Company of New
France, either directly or indirectly, and have no interest
in the sales of goods made there. In testimony whereof,
the present Declaration has been signed by the said
Directors and Associates, and sealed with the seal of said
Company, the first day of December, 1643.
“De LA Ferré, Abbé de la Magdeleine,

MAnconer. VERDIER.
Berrvver. FLevniav.
Ropreav. CASET,
| weit t Sapovet. Bovravet,
A seal, 1
——~ Berrvyer. CLARENTIN.

“Compared with the original by a Councillor, Secre-
tary to the King, House, and Crown of France.
JOLLY.
This document had its effect with those who had no
need of being undeceived ; and it was not without some
indignation on their part that they, some time after,
beheld the Jesuits of Canada, so revered in Old and New
France, play, in the “ Provincial Letters,” the part of
traders :* but their justification was the news received in
the following years, telling that, while they were thus
blackened in their own country, all without exception

91

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, was thus ingeniously made into
1643, p. 82. trade. On this point see Lejeune
* Letter v. Beaver-skins, in Ca- Relation de la Nouvelle France,
nada and in New Netherland, were 1636, p. 173. Relations Inédites,
regarded as money ; just as, in Vir- 1672-9, ii, 841. De la Potherie,
ginia, tobacco, its staple, was a rec- Histoire de VAmé¢rique Septentri-
ognized value. The receipt by the onale, i,, 267.
missionaries of amounts in beaver

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

were confronting, with a courage worthy of their vocation,
the stake and all the horrors of captivity ; that many had
already perished beneath the fire and steel of the Iro-
quois ; that others were languishing in fetters ; and that
the places of those who had fallen victims to their zeal
were immediately filled up by their brethren, whom desire
of a similar lot had made jealous of their sufferings. Here
is the first proof.

For three whole years the Huron missionaries had
received no supplies from Quebec, so that their habits
were falling to pieces ; and wine having failed for Mass,
they were obliged to gather wild grapes in the woods to
serve their need, and for want of flour, were on the point
of being obliged to forego the celebration of the holy mys-
teries. Their extremity was not unknown at Quebec, but
it was not easy to remedy it. At last some Hurons, who
had exposed themselves in winter to the perils of a jour-
ney on the ice to Quebec, were loaded, on their return,

_with ail that the missionaries needed.’ They earnestly

Father
Bressani
exposes
himself to
great
danger.

desired to have a Jesuit to accompany them—the more
especially as, besides the fact that Father Jogues had not
vet returned from France, Father Davost’ was past all
ex rtion and died soon after; but the superior-general did
not dare to propose to any one a mission of which he saw
all the danger.

Father Francis Joseph Bressani, a Roman Jesuit, to
whom all that befell him in America had been foretold
in France, and whose courage had only derived fresh
strength from the prediction, no sooner understood the
difficulty in which his superior stood than he offered to
attend the convoy, and his offer was accepted. He em-
barked in the latter part of April, 1644,’ with a young

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, to France: Carayon, Documents In-
1644, p. 39. édits, xiv., p. 112; Relation de la
* Father Ambrose Davost arrived Nouvelle France, 1643, p. 80.
in Canada in May, 1633, and died § April 27, 1644: Bressani, Breve
at sea in 1643, on his passage back Relatione, p. 32 (see ante, vol. i.,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

Frenchman and six Hurons, two of whom had recently

escaped from the hands of the Troquois, Their journey,
as far as Three Rivers, was successful enough; but an
accident, which delayed them a whole day at the entrance
of Lake St. Pierre, threw them into the hands of their
enemies, The missionary’s canoe was wrecked ; the next
night there wus a heavy fall of snow, delaying the party
still more; and some of them, firing imprudently at wild-
geese,’ disclosed their presence to an Iroquois party not
far off, who at once formed an ambuscade.

The next day’ Father Bressani, doubling a point, sud-
denly found himself in the midst of three hostile canoes. |
The disadvantage being too great, no combat ensued. The
two other Huron canoes, which followed, seeing the mis-
sionary taken, plied their paddles to escape, but two Iro-
quois canoes, still better manned, awaited them behind
another point, and stopped them. The Christians, although
only two in each canoe, and much encumbered with bag-
gage, resolved to defend themselves; one of the bravest
aimed at an Iroquois, but was anticipated by another, who

shot him dead in his canoe.

No more was needed to make

his comrade and those in the other canoe throw down their
arms. They were instantly taken and bound.’

The Iroquois then proceeded to divide their booty ; for
since they had begun to make war on the French, or rather
since they had seen how the French acted on such occa-

sions, they were no longer content, as of old, with the glory

p. 80); Relation Abregée de
Quelques Missions des Péres de la
Compagnie de Jésus dans la Nouvelle
France, by Father Felix Martin, 8. J.,
Montreal, 1852, pp. 15-45 ; Relation
de la Nouvelle France, 1644, p, 39.
For a life of Father Bressani, see
the French translation of his Breve
Relatione.

'They fired at an eagle, says
Bressani, Breve Relatione, p. 32.
?Next day but one: Bressani,

Breve Relatione, p. 32. He makes
the place of capture twenty-two or
twenty-four miles from Three Rivers,
and seven or eight from Fort Riche-
lieu.

‘The attacking party numbered
twenty-seven ; Bressani, p.32; Mar-
tin’s edition, p. 117. The account in
the Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1644 (p. 41), differs slightly. The
Huron killed was Bertrand Sotrios-
kon.

172

1644.
—_——

His suffer.

ings during

his captiv-
ity.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

of victory, but the hope of plunder had full as much to do
with their war-parties as the desire of injuring their
enemies, They began, moreover, to understand their de-
pendence on their Dutch neighbors, and the booty swept
from their enemies enabled them to obtain from New
Netherland munitions needed to carry on the war.

The booty divided, these savages cut up the body of the
fallen Huron, cooked and ate it. They then exultingly
took up their march homeward, leading off their prisoners,
whom they almost allowed to perish on the way, yet forced
to paddle without respite. As they approached their
journey’s end they met a fishing-party, to whom they
abandoned the prisoners for a time; these received the
captives with a severe bastinado, The Hurons escaped
with that; but the missionary had his left hand cloven
open between the third and little finger.'’ As soon as he
reached the first village of the Mohawk canton’ he was
subjected to horrible treatment, till he finally fell, without
consciousness or motion. To restore him, they cut off his
left thumb and two fingers of his right hand.’

A storm, which came up, dispersed the crowd, and the

missionary was left alone, stretched on a kind of scaffold,
unable to rise and rapidly losing blood. In the evening he
was taken to a cabin, where his nails were burnt and bis

feet distorted. Here, given up without reserve to the
fierce and malignant youth, he was loaded with outrages
and treated with the utmost barbarity. He was there left,
after dung had been forced into his mouth. The next day
they began again, and surpassed even what they had in-
flicted on him the night before. They carried inhumanity
so far as to lay food for their dogs on his naked body, that

! This fishing-party of four hun-
dred was on the Upper Hudson. He
was tortured here for several days,
so that he writes, “I would not have
believed that man could have so
hard a life:” Bressani, Breve Rela-

tione, p. 37; Martin’s edition, pp.
120-8; Relation de la Nouvelle
France, 1644, pp. 43, 44.

* May 30: Bressani, Breve Rela
tione, p. 38.

* Tb,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 173

those ever-famishing animals might tear him, as they did — 1644.
in several places.’ —

At the end of a few days—his body nothing more than
one wound, swarming in every part with worms—he be-
came so loathsome that nobody could endure the stench,

He suffered excruciating pain, especially in one leg, where

an aposthume ulcer had formed, that deprived him of even

a moment’s sleep. Providence made the cruelty of his

torturers remedy this evil; for one of the savages, wishing

to inflict a new wound, struck his knife into the tumor

and laid it open. The last act of the tragedy was now

alone left, and all seemed to prepare for it. This thought

alone gave the prisoner a shock which sometimes even
made him insensible to his sufferings."

Humiliated to find himself still so weak, he had recourse 1645.
to prayer, and implored the Almighty to Se his strength He is deliv-
and support; especially not to permit him to dishonor, by orien.
cowardice, his religion and his august ministry, which ho jake
had come so far to exercise. At this moment he perceived
old men coming from the council held to decide his fate,
and soon after word was brought to him that the resolution
was taken not to put him to death. This was the last
thing that he anticipated, and all shared his astonishment,
in view of the fearful state to which he had been reduced.

The very men who took part in the counci) could not ex-
plain why they had taken the step.*

The holy man returned thanks to Him who moulds
hearts as pleases him, and humbled himself in His sight,
avowing his unworthiness of the grace of martyrdom. He
was given to a matron, who treated him very humanely ;
but the stench exhaled by his body rendered him insup-

' Bressani, Breve Relatione, p.89; Martin's edition, p. 127. The de-
Martin's edition, p. 124; Relationde cision was made June 19 (says the

la Nouvelle France, 1644, p. 44. * Relation de la Nouvelle France,
? Bressani, Breve Relatione, p. 89; 1644, p. 44), and by an assembly of
Martin's edition, p. 125. two thousand: Creuxius, Historia

3 Bressani, Breve Relatione, p. 44; Canadensis, p. 402.

174

1645.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

portable to the whole cabin, and there being no prospect,

—y—" mutilated as he was, that he would ever be in a condition

Bad condi-
tion of the
colony,

to render any service, his mistress sent him to the nearest
Dutch post to sell him, if any one there would buy him.
The Dutch received him cordially, satisfied the Indians,
and gave him proper medical care.' As soon as he was
able to endure a voyage he was placed on a vessel, which

landed him in Rochelle towards the close of November.’
To return to the Troquois,
seemed to be, on pushing the war to extremity against us

Bent, as these savages

as well as against our allies, they nevertheless, from time
to time, showed some inclination to peace. The Chevalier
de Montmagny ardently desired it, both because he saw
himself not in a condition to sustain a war, and because,
even could he do so successfully, he had nothing to gain.
Even had it been possible for him to conceal his weakness
from his enemies, he might, indeed, have profited, by some
fortunate occasion, to make terms not inconsistent with the
honor of France; but this resource was wanting, and the
Troquois boasted aloud that they would soon force the
French to return across the sea.’

Thus satisfied as the governor was that the means of
disarming these savages was not to seek them, he never
saw a moment when he could assume the tone which alone
could have retained them in a strict neutrality towards us.

1 Bressani, Breve Relatione, pp.
42, 43. This work contains three
letters of the author, dated July 15,
1644, Aug. 31, 1644, and a third from
Tale de Rhé, Nov, 16, 1644. He was
given up to the Dutch Aug. 19, 1644.
Kieft’s passport, dated Sept. 20, is in
Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p.
403. See O’Callaghan’s New Neth-
erland, i., pp. 336, 387. Mother Ju-
chereau (Histoire de l’Hotel Dieu)
says he went to Rome and was pre-
sented to Pope Innocent X., who re-
ceived him as an apostle and kissed
his scars (p. 53). For Bressani, see

a life by Rev. Felix Martin, 8. J, in
his French edition of Bressani ;
Relation Abregée, Montreal, 1852 ;
also Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
pp. 395-403 ; Relation de la Nou-
velle France, 1644, pp. 41-5, ete. ;
Shea, Perils of the Ocean and Wil-
derness, pp. 104-30. Father Bres-
sani, a native of Rome, entered the
Society of Jesus at the age of fif-
teen, came to Canada in 1642, and
died at Florence, Sept. 9, 1672.

2 Nov. 15: Relation de la Nou-
velle France, 1644, p, 45.

* Relation de la N., F., 1644, p. 105.

Me
the
the
the

s of
ver
one
us.

J., in
“ani ;
842 ;
nsis,
Nou-
etc. ;
Wil-
Bres-
1 the
of fif-
, and

Nou-

. 105.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE, 175

Forced, therefore, to steps unbecoming his character, he 1645.
endeavored, in his inability to do otherwise, to cover them “co”
with some fair pretext, and at the risk of being the dupe of
insincere advances of an enemy at once wily and savage, he
pretended to believe them sincere, with the view, either of

delivering some captive, or sending some convoy safely
through, and thus save trade from total ruin; or, indeed,
to secure some months’ truce, if only to gain means to
breathe,

Some time after the capture of Father Bressani, Mr. de The gov-

. ‘ > erhor gon

Champflour, governor of Three Rivers, informed him that eral endeav-

’ P ’ +» Ore to mak

some Hurons had just reached his post with three Iroquois ‘p, ace with
the Iro-
quois,

prisoners; that they had given one' to the Algonquins,
whom, with much difficulty, he had persuaded not to put
their captive to death till they heard from him. On this
information the general proceeded to Three Rivers, as-
sembled the chief men of the two nations, and told them
that if they would put their prisoners at his disposal, he

hoped to use them to establish a durable peace between
them and the Troquois.’

He then displayed the goods, with which he expected to
purchase their compliance with his wishes; and he added,
that to prevent being deceived by their common foe, he
would at first send back only one of these captives, and
that he would at the same time notify the cantons that, if
they wished to save the lives of the other two, they must,
without delay, send deputies, with full powers, to treat of
terms to restore tranquillity in the land. As soon as he
ceased, an Algonquin chief arose, and taking by the hand
the prisoner given to his tribe, presented him to the gov-
ernor, saying that he could refuse his Father nothing ;* that
if he accepted his presents, it was only to have wherewith
to wipe away the tears of a family in wich this captive

' Tokhrahenehiaron ;: Relation de * Relation de la Nouvelle France,
la Nouvelle France, 1645, p. 25; 1644, pp. 46, 47.
Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p. 5 Ib, p. 47.
418.

176

1645.
—_——

What
passed be-
tween him

and the
Hurons,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

was to replace a lost member: that, moreover, he would
be charmed to have peace restored; but that to him the
thing seemed surrounded with difficulties.’

The governor then turned towards the Hurons to hear
their answer also, but one of them, taking up the word,
replied, haughtily, that he was a warricr, not a trader; that
he had not left his town to traffic, but to carry on war ;
that his stuffs and his kettles did not tempt him ; that if
he was so anxious for his prisoners, he might take them—
he could easily replace them, or die in the endeavor ; that
if that misfortune befell him, he would have at least the
consolation of dying like a man; but that his nation would
say that Ononthio had caused his death.

This reply embarrassed the governor-general, but an-
other Huron, a Christian, soon extricated Lim from his
dilemma.

“ Ononthio,” said he, “let not the words of my brother
indispose you against us. If we cannot consent to give you
up our prisoners, it is for reasons that you will not dis-
approve. We should lose honor if we did so, You see no
old man among us; young people, as we are, are not
masters of their actions, and warriors would be dishonored
if, instead of returning home with captives, they made
their appearance with goods. What would you say your-
self, father, to your soldiers if you saw them come back
from the war in the guise of merchants? The mere wish
which you express to have our slaves might take the place
of ransom ; but it does not lie with us to dispose of them.
Our brothers, the Algonquins, could do what you ask of
them, because they are with their sachems, who are an-
swerable to no man for their conduct; not being restrained
by the same motives as ourselves, they could not, in
courtesy, refuse you so trifling a matter. Our sachems,
when they know our intentions, will, doubtless, pursue the
same course. We all desire peace; we enter into your

1 Relation de Ja N. F., 1644, p. 47; Creuxius, Hist, Can., pp. 414-6.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 177

views ; we have even anticipated them, for we have done 1645.
no harm to our prisoners ; we have treated them as men —Y—™
who are to be our friends; but it does not become us to
forestall the consent of our seniors, nor deprive them of so
brilliant an opportunity of showing our Father how they
respect his will.

“ Another reason also restrains us, and I am sure that it
will be as legitimate as the first in your eyes. We know
that the river is covered with our enemies ; if we meet a
force superior to us, what will your presents avail, except
to embarrass us, and animate them the more to the combat,
to profit by our booty? But if they see among us some of
their brethren, who show that we desire peace ; that Onon-
thio wishes to be the father of all the nations, that he can
no longer permit his children, whom he bears alike in his
bosom, to continue to destroy each other, the arms will
fali from their hands; our prisoners will save our lives,
and they will labor much more efficaciously for peace than
if too great anxiety is shown to set them free.”?

The Chevalier de Montmagny had no reply to make to The Hu-
language so studied and judicious ; he even saw how advan- is trout, doe
tageous it would be to let the first advances for peace be = Pee
made by the Hurons, and he omitted nothing to induco
them to it. He, accordingly, replied to the brave who had
just spoken so wisely, that he strongly approved his
reasons, and that, after al!, peace was far more their affair
than his. Still, learning that Father de Brebeuf wished
to avail himself of this occasion to return to his church,
whose pressing needs had forced him to descend to
Quebec, and whither he was taking two new missionaries,”
he deemed it wrong to leave them exposed to the miseries
which had overtaken Fathers Jogues and Bressani, and

he gave them an escort large enough to protect them from
all insult.

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, talis Chabanel: Relation de la Nou-
1644, p. 48. velle France, 1644, p. 49; 1645, p.
? Fathers Leonard Garreav and Na- 40.
Vou. I —12

178

1645.
—_—_—

The Iro-
quois seem
sincerely
disposed to
peace.

Public au-
dienco

iven them.

Vhat hap-
pened
there.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

Their journey was, in fact, without mishap, and on
their arrival in the Huron country, it was decided, in a
general council, to send the two Iroquois prisoners to the
Chevalier de Montmagny. That governor had already set
at liberty the prisoner placed in his hands by the Algon-
quins ;' and the cantons, to show their inclination for
peace, had sent back Couture, the young Frenchman who
sllowed himself to be taken with Father Jogues.? He
was attended by the same Iroquois prisoner just men-
tioned, and by deputies from the cantons, invested with
full powers, as the governor-general had required.

As soon as their arrival ai Three Rivers was known,
de Montmagny repaired to that place with Father Vimord,
and, after regaling them, set a day* on which to give them
audience. On that day the general appeared ‘in the place
of the fort of Three Rivers, which he had had covered
with sails from the ships. He was seated in an armchair,
with Mr. de Champflour and Father Vimord' at his side,
and many Officers, and the chief inhabitants of the colony
around. The Iroquois deputies, to the number of five,

were at his feet, seated on a mat; they had chosen that

spot to show more respect to Ononthio, whom they never
addressed except as their father.

The Algonquins, Montagnez, Attikamegues, and some
other Indians of the same language, were opposite, and
the Hurons remained intermingled with the French. All
the middle of the place was open, to allow evolutions to
be made without interruption, for this kind of action is a
sort of comedy, where very sensible things are said and

' He set out May 21: Lettres His-
to'iques de la M. Marie de 1’Incar-
nation, p. 115.

? Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1645, p. 23; Lettres Historiques de
la M. Marie de I’Incarnation, p. 116.

8 July 2, 1645: Creuxius, Historia
Canadensis, p. 417.

‘Bartholomew Vimont came to

Care Breton Sept. 18, 1629, and
after a year’s stay returned to
France. He came to Quebec in
August, 1639, and was superior
from 1639 to 1645. He returned to
France Oct. 26, 1659, and died at
Vannes, July 13, 1667, He prepared
six volumes of the published Rela-
tions.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE 179

on expressed by quite absurd gestures and manners. With 1645.
a the western nations it is customary to plant in the middle -~—~
the a great calumet, as is sometimes also practised among
set the others ; for since, by our influence, all these nations
yn- have more affairs to arrange with each, they have bor-
for rowed many usages from each other, and especially that
‘ho of the calumet, which they now commonly use in their
He treaties.
en- The Iroquois had brought seventeen belts, which were
ith as many words, that is to say, propositions that they
were to make; and to expose them to the sight of all
wn, as they explained them, they had planted two posts, with
nd, a cord between them, on which to hang the belts, All
em being ranged in the order described, the orator of the
ace cantons’ rose, took a belt, presented it to the governor-
red general, and said: “Ononthio, give ear to my voice; all
air, the Iroquois speak by my mouth. My heart kas no evil
ide, thought ; all my intentions are upright. We wish to
ony forget all our songs of war, and let them give place to
ive, chants of joy.” He immediately began to sing, his col-
hat leagues keeping time with their 4é, drawn in cadence from
ver the bottom of the chest; and while chanting, he walked
with great strides and gesticulated in a manner ludicrous
ome enough.
and He often looked up to the sun, rubbed his arms as if to
All prepare for the struggle ; at last he resumed a calmer air,
s to and continued his speech. “The belt which I present you,
is a Father, thanks you for giving life to my brother; you
and have rescued him from the teeth of the Algonquins, but
oes - how could you let him set out alone? Had his canoe
and turned, who was to help him to right it? Had he drowned
: i or perished by any accident, you would have had no tid-
olay ings of peace, and perhaps have cast the blame on us,
: e when it rested solely on yourselves.” With these words
no ~ = =
Rela-

1 Kiotsaeton, or the Hook (Cro- Marie de l'Incarnation, p. 118. His
chet): Lettres Historiques de la M. associate was Anixgan.

180 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1645. he hung the belt on the cord, took another, and binding
—Y~~” it on Couture’s arm, he again turned to the governor and
said :

“Father, this belt brings back your subject: but I was
far from saying, ‘Nephew, take a canoe, and return to
your country.’ I should never have been tranquil till I
had sure tidings of his arrival. My brother, whom you
sent back, has suffered much, and run great risk: he had
to carry his pack alone, row all day, drag his canoe over
the rapids, be always on the watch against surprise.”
The orator accompanied his words with very expressive
gestures. The spectators sometimes seemed to see a man
urging on his canoe with a pole,’ sometimes turn off a
wave with a paddle; sometimes he seemed out of breath,
then took heart again, and for some time remained calm
enough.

He then pretended to strike his foot against a stone,
while carrying his baggage; then he limped, as if lamed;
“Even,” he cried, after all this pantomime, “if he had been
aided to pass the most difficult spots! Indeed, Father,
I do not know where your mind was, to send back one

of your children alone and unaided. I did not do the
same with regard to Couture. I said to him, ‘ Let us go,
nephew ; follow me, I will restore you to your family at

299

the risk of my life.

The other belts referred to the peace, the conclusion of
which was the subject of this embassy. Each had its
special signification, and the orator explained them in as
graphic a manner as he had done the two former.

One smoothed the roads, the other calmed the rivers,
another buried the hatchet ; there were presents, to show
that henceforward they might visit them without fear or
distrust ; the feasts that they would give each other; the
alliance between all these nations ; their intention, always
entertained, of restoring Father Jogues and Father Bres-

' Called, in French, picquer de fond.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

sani; their impatience to see them again; the welcome

181

1645.

they were preparing to give them; their thanks for the —~—

deliverance of the last three Iroquois captives. Each of
these articles was expressed by a belt; and even had the
orator not spoken, his gestures would have made all he
intended to say intelligible. The most surprising point
was that he played his part for three hours, without
seeming excited by it: he was also the first to give the
signal for a sort of feast, which closed the session, and
consisted of chants, dances, and banquets.’

Two days after, the Chevalier de Montmagny replied to Reply ofthe

the propositions of the Iroquois ; for a reply is never
made the same day. The assembly was as well attended
as before, and the governor-general made as many
presents as he had received belts, Couture spoke in his
name, in Iroquois, but without gesticulation and without
interrupting his speech.’ On tho contrary, he affected a
gravity becoming the one for whom he acted as inter-
preter. When he closed, Pieskaret, aa Algonquin chief,
rose and made his presents. “Here,” said he, “is a stone
which I set on the grave of all who fell during the war,
that no one may go to move their bones, or think of
revenging them.” This chief was one of the bravest men
ever seen in Canada, and almost incredible stories are
told of his prowess."

Negabamat, chief of the Montagnez, then presented a
moose-skin, to make, he said, moccasins for the Troquois
deputies, that they might not gall their feet on their home-
ward march. The other nations did not speak, apparently

1 The proceedings are given in de- 3 A's to Simon Piescaret, see Creux-
tail in the Relation de la Nouvelle ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 465;
France, 1645, pp. 23-7; Lettres His. Relation, 1641, p. 34; 1643, p. 59;
toriques de la M. Marie de I’Incar- 1645, p.28; 1647, pp. 4, 68, 72 ; 1650,
nation, pp. 120-8; Creuxius, His- p. 43 ; Perrot, Mceurs, Coustumes, ete,,
toria Canadensis, pp. 418-20. pp. 107-9 ; De la Potherie, Histoire

*The Relation de la Nouvelle de l’'Amerique Septentrionale, i., p.
France, 1645, p. 27, says the 14th, 297; Colden, Five Nations (New
Couture is not mentioned. York, 1727), p. 11.

governor-
general.

182

1645.
_—_—_—

The peace
ratified by
the cantons.

HISTORY OF N™W FRANCE.

because they had neither chiefs nor orators. The session
closed with three salvos of artillery, to proclaim, as the
governor explained to the Indians, the news of the peace
in all directions. The Superior of the Jesuits also regaled
the ambassadors, who addressed him in the most cordial
words. Good cheer makes these people very eloquent, and
there is no eulogium which you may not anticipate when
you give them a hearty meal. These praises must not
indeed be taken too literally; but they cost little, for it
is not necessary to go to great expense to satisfy people
who find any thing and every thing palatable.'

The next day the deputies took up their homeward
march.” Two Frenchmen, two Hurons, and two Algon-
quins embarked with them, and three Iroquois remained
as hostages in the colony." The treaty was ratified by
the Mohawk canton, the only one hitherto openly at war
with us. The two Frenchmen and their four Indian com-
panions returned ct the time set for them—that is to say,
about the middle of September. They brought back
word that all the Iroquois solicited missionaries, that the

Hurons and Algonquins of the Island* had also acceded to
the treaty, and that all appeared tranquil.

At this juncture Father Bressani arrived at Quebec, and
barely took a few days to recruit before setting out with
Father Poncet to return to the Hurons. On departing, he
expressed an earnest desire te be placed among the mis-

! Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1645, p. 28.

? Saturday, July 15: Relation de
la Nouvelle France, 1645, p. 28;
Lettres Historiques, p. 188; Creux-
ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 422.

3 This was on September 23, after
the ratification. See Relation de la
Neuvelle France, 1645, p. 35.

4They returned, September 17,
with Couture, and set out again on
the 22d with all the Mohawk pris-
oners: Lalemant, Journal; Rela-

tion de la Nouvelle France, 1645, p.
30; Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
p. 428. Just before, a flotilla of
sixty canoes came down from the
Huron country, and others from the
Upper Algonquins. There was an-
other general assembly, and Cou-
ture explained the eighteen Iroquois
belts: Relation de la Nouvelle
France, 1645, p. 80; Lettres Histo-
riques de la M. Marie de I’Incarna-
tion, pp. 129, 134.
5 The Kichisipirini.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE, 183

on sionar‘es to the Iroquois, if missionaries were accorded to 1645.
he the cantons. He even made a collection for his old tore —~—~
ice turers, to teach them what kind of vengeance Christianity _ Father
: , P A Bressani
led Incuicates,—a sentiment well worthy of an apostolic man feturns to
‘ ‘4 the Hurons,
ial and a confessor of Christ, but whose nobility these say- ‘'® #475
nd ages were not capable of appreciating, and failed to profit
en by.’
10t The next winter was marked by a scene never before wit-
it nessed since the arrival of the French in Canada. The Iro-
ple quois, Hurons, and Algonquins, mingling together, hunted
as peacefully as though all were of the same nation. By
ard means of this good understanding the Huron missionaries
on- received all the succor of which they had been so long
ed. deprived, made apostolic excursions in all security, and
by joyfully gathered their sheaves which they had sowed in
var tears ; but these halcyon days did not last, and the calm
ym.- seems to have been granted only to give them time to gain
ay, breath. and prepare for new combats.’
ack At the beginning of this same year, 1646, New France _peath of
: ss : Fatl
the lost two of its first missionaries. Father Enemond Masse yu,
l to died at Sylleri, in the exercise of a zeal ihat nothing ever so and
repelled, and which, sustained by great talents, was al- Nove.
und ways very fruitful. He was not as yet far advanced in 1646,
vith years, but his travels and his hardships had worn on him
_ he extremely.’ Father Anne de Noué soon followed him.
nis- ; —s eee ee bee a ge agate
' Relation de la Nouvelle France, of Montreal to have an episcopal
1646, p. 73; Lettres Historiques de see established at Montreal. The
la M. Marie de I'Incarnation, p. 136. Rev. Mr. Legauffre, a zealous and
5, p. 5
nosis * This brief peace enabled the col- wealthy clergyman of their society,
5 of ouy ts develop again its trade in was proposed, and on his sudden
the furs. Twenty-two of the soldiers death the matter was taken up by
| the from France accompanied the Hu- Cardinal Mazarin and the French
ani rons to the West in 1644, and re- bishops; but finally fell through :
Cou- turned with a large convoy thenext Faillon, Histoire de la Colonie Fvan-
juois year. The fleet, which sailed for ¢aise, ii., pp. 47-53.
veile France on Oct. 24, 1645, carried out —? Father Enemond Masso (or Massé,
listo- thirty thousand pounds of beaver. as the Relations and Champlain
vena Another point in connection with write) dicd May 11-12 (Lalemant,

Canada should be noted here. This
was the effort made by the Society

Journal, says May 16)—subsequent-
ly, therefore, to the death of De Noue.

184 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1646. He set out from Three Rivers on the 30th of January, to
—\—’ go and confess the garrison of Fort Richelieu, and pre-
pare them to celebrate the feast of Candlemas, He wan-
dered from the two soldiers and the Huron who accom-
panied him, in attempting to go on ahead ; but he lost his
way beyond recovery, and on the very day of the feast he

was found dead, kneeling amid the snow.'

His body was carried to Three Rivers, where he was in
great odor of sanctity. His obsequies were celebrated
with all possible pomp ; but more prayers were addressed
to him than recited for him. Many even have declared
that they found it impossible to pray for him. Others, at
the sight of his body, were penetrated with a sincere
repentance for their sins and made long-deferred confes-
sions: so that we may say that his bones prophesied even
more happily than those of Eliseus, which restored
bodily life to a corpse by the mere touch; whereas
many recovered spiritual life on casting their eyes on the
sad remains of a missionary fallen in the exercise of his
ministry.’

The colony had scarcely begun to enjoy the delights of
peace, when war had well-nigh been enkindled anew.

The Jonrnal here has after Massé’s
name the words, “ premier mission-
naire du Canada,” in Charlevoix’s
handwriting; yet, with the Journal
to guide him, he made de Noue’s
death follow: Relation de la Nou-
velle France, 1646, p. 11; Bressani,
Breve Relatione, p. 75; Lettres His-
toriques de la M. Marie de I’Incar-
nation, pp. 148-52; Creuxius, His-
toria Canadensis, p. 445. Enemond
Masse was born at Lyons ; and hav-
ing been socius to Father Coton,
was sent to Acadia in 1611. He was
at St. Sauveur when it was attacked
by Arga!. He returned to Canada
in 1625, and was carried off by Kirk.
He again returned in 1633, and died
at the age of 72.

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1646, p. 11; Bressani, Breve Rela-
tione, pp. 72-5; Creuxius, Historia
Canadensis, p. 449.

? Lalemant, Journal, February 12,
1645 ; Bressani, Breve Relatione, pp.
73, 74; Relation de la Nouvelle
France, 1646, pp. 9-11; Lettres His-
toriques de la M. Marie de 1'Incar-
nation, p. 152; Memoires touchant
les vertus, (manuscript, 1652);
Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p.
440. He was of a noble family, his
father being Lord of Priéres, near
Rheims. A page at court, he be-
came a religious and a missionary.
He came to Canada July 14, 1626.
He died at the age of sixty-three,
says Du Creux.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE, 185

Three Indians of Sylleri, having gone a short distance 1646,

0 ; ‘
, from their town, were murdered. Another, travelling —-~-—~
: with his wife, was attacked and dangerously wounded. ‘The Soko-
ad . . kis e ad U bad
: His wife was scalped and left for dead. Both were *! cs uraahh
‘g found in a pool of blood and carried to the Hotel ‘® Pe
- Dieu, where the husband died, but the wife recovered.

All suspicions fell at first on the Iroquois; but it was
n subsequently ascertained that the assassins were So-
1 kokis, who, embittered against ‘he Algonquins, had
¢ , ; ; ;
d used every device to divert the Iroquois from concluding
‘d peace with them, and failing, now sought all means to
16 . .
4d break it off.'

These accidents had, therefore, no evil consequences, The Iro-
re : quois ratify
; On the contrary, the treaty of the preceding year was ‘it anew.
ae ratified by new deputies, who came to deplore Father
d Masse and Father de Noué,’ and cover the two illustrious
Q : :

: dead—that is to say, offer condolence and presents to the
as f :
” Jesuits on the death of their brethren. But as the French
1 : ; :
: had as yet negotiated only with the Mohawk canton directly,
lis ; ‘
these deputies warned the governor-general to be on his
] 8 8
f guard against the others till they were all included by
Ce) ’ :
name in the treaty ; which would have been done already,
Ww. ; eA :
they added, had Ononthio anticipated them by restoring
to liberty some braves of those cantons held as prisoners
ice, .
‘la. by our allies,
ria To all appearance de Montmagny would not have omit-
is ted so trifling a matter to secure the peace of the colony ;
cp: but I find nothing in my memoirs. We shall even sce the
elle four cantons soon fanning the embers of discord and set-
= ting all Canada in flames. It is certain that the wisest
ant os eae aes
2) 5 ‘ This Indian, Vincent, died March Dieppe in 1639 (ante, p. 100). They
Dp 14: Lalemant, Journal, March 14, soon after established a house at
his and preliminary Estat du Pays. Sillery ; Juchercau, Histoire de ’Ho-
Car The three Montagnais were killed tel Dicu de Quebec, p. 27.
be- October 12: Relation dela Nouvelle ? Relation de Ja Nouvelle France,
ae France, 1646, p. 3. The Hotel Dieu 1646, p. 6; Creuxius, Historia Cana-
sae is the hospital under the care of the densis, p. 449 ; De la Potherie, List.
ree,

Hospital Nuns, who came from

de l’Am. Sept., ii., p. 44.

186 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCK.

1646. course was then taken to maintain, at least, the alliance
—— with the Mohawks, and gain that canton to Christ.'

Fathor Father Jogues had sown the seed of the Word there

Jogues ’ ’ os
makes two during his captivity. He knew the language ; he ardently
ee desired to protit by the peace to preach the gospel there

publicly ;? and he obtained without any difficulty permis-
sion to accompany the last deputies when they were
returning home: but the governor-general exacted from
him, that after they succeeded in including all the cantons
in the treaty, he would return to report the disposition in
which he found the Iroquois nation, I even find, in some
f memoirs, that the Algonquins advised the missionary uot
to appear in his habit, on this first visit, nor speak of
religion, and that their advice was followed.’ Be that as
’ it may, the servant of God embarked on the 16th of May,*

accompanied by the Sieur Bourdon, one of the leading

men of Quebec,’—two Algonquins following them in an-

other canoe, loaded with presents to distribute among the

Iroquois cantons, in the name of their nation.’ On the

the seigneury of Dombourg (now
Neuville and Pointe aux Trembles) :
Ferland, Notes sur les Registres de

' Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
p. 449.
2 He had been at Montreal, and

there drew up his account of New
Netherland and of René Goupil, and
gave Father Buteux an account of
his captivity, which the latter com-
mitted to writing, and which is ex-
tant.

8 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1646, p. 15.

4From Three Rivers. They left
Fort Richelieu the 18th. Relation
de la Nouvelle France, 1647, p. 36;
Lettres Historiques de la M. Marie
de l’Incarnation, p. 146; Creuxius,
Historia Canadensis, p. 451.

5 John Bourdon, proprietor of the
fiefs of St. John and St. Francis in
the dependency of Quebec, chief-en-
gineer and subsequently procurator-
general of New France, came over
in 1638 or 1684. j07 he obtained

In 1087

Quebec, pp. 26, 75.

®A journal of this journey of
Father Jogues was among the ar-
chives of the Jesuits, which passed
into the hands of the English Gov-
ernment. Smith had it in com-
piling his history of Canada (2 vols.
So, Quebec, 1815); but it has never
since appeared. It is given appar-
ently in substance in the Relation
of 1646, p. 15, which Charlevoix
seems to have overlooked. The
missionary went by way of Lake
George, called by the Mohawks An-
diatarocte—“ where the lake closes”
—(Onjadaracte, N. Y. Coll. Doe., iii.,
p. 559), but to which he gave the
name of Lake St. Sacrement—-Lake
of the Blessed Sacrament—from his
reaching it on the eve of Corpus

ce

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

5th of June’ they reached the first Mohawk town, whero
they were welcomed with every mark of sincere friendship,
Father Jogues was recognized by some who had most
cruelly ill-used him, and who now paid him endless cour.
tesy. What followed I know not;’ but the missionary
certainly did not go beyond the canton of the Mohawks,
where he left his box, saying that he wished to fix his
residence there, and that it would not be long before he

returned.’

He then set out again for Fort Richelieu, where he
arrived on the 27th of the same month.‘ Finding de
Montmagny there, he assured him that he could rely on
the Mohawks; but we must infer that the governor did
not attach more weight than he should to this testimony,
He was too enlightened not to perceive thut a religious,
situated as Father Jogues was, would see in these Indians
all that he desired to see, and that he had really no other

Christi, May 20. They forded the
upper Hudson (Ologue), and then
struck the river again at Ossaragué,
a herring-fishing post, whence they
descended in canoes to Fort Orange
(Albany), where they remained from
the 4th to the 16th of June, accord-
ing to the Relation; but the last
date is evidently an error for 6th,
Charlevoix is in error, therefore, in
asserting that he did not go beyond
the canton of the Mohawks. From
Albany Jogues wrote to his benefac-
tor, Megapolensis,

' He remained at Fort Orange till
the 6th, and the next evening
reached Osserrion or Oneugitre,
which the missionary called Holy
Trinity ; Relation, 1646, p. 15.

*On the 10th of June, according
to the Relation, 1646, the French
envoys met the sachems. Father
Jogues delivered the presents, ex-
pressed the joy felt by the French
on receiving their ambassadors, and
the general satistuction at the con-

clusion of peace, He assured them
that a council-fire was lighted at
Three Rivers. He then gave wan-
pum to redeem some prisoners still
held, and to keep a fire for the
French in the Wolf family, He
then spoke for the Algonquins, and
gave a present to some Onondagas
who were present, to prepare the
way to their towns. The sachems
answered with pomp and marks of
good-will: Relation de la Nouvelle
France, 1646, p. 16.

’ This box proved fatal. The Mo-
hawks eyed it suspiciously ; and
though Jogues opened it, to disa-
buse them, he did not dispel the
fears of the superstitious Mohawks:
Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1646, p. 16; Memoires sur les vertus,
ete., MS,

*'They left the Mohawk castle,
June 16, and making canoes at Lake
Gvorge, reached Fort Richelieu on
the 27th: Relation de la Nouvelle
France, 1046, p. 17.

187

1646.
—_——

188 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1646. reason for believing them sincerely changed in our regard
—y— than his extreme zeal and hope of making them Chris-
tians. Yet, averse as he was to expose to the caprice of
an inconstant people a man who had been too badly
treated at their hands to be ever regarded favorably by
them, he consented to his keeping his word.

Hostilitiee The servant of God, at the summit of his desires, and
aa already in imagination beholding the Iroquois crowding
vowe* around him to be instructed in our mysteries, set out on
ron the 24th of September, accompanied by some Indians and
a Frenchman.’ It was soon after ascertained that hostil-
ities had been renewed between the upper Iroquois and
the Hurons.’ The upper Iroquois comprised the four
cantons who had not concurred in the treaty of peace.’
The lower Iroquois are the Mohawks alone, although
some include also the canton of Oneida.‘ But to under-
stand clearly what we have to say of this nation, which
enters so largely into the history that I am writing, it is
necessary to know the situation and nature of the country

which it occupies, u.ud the five cantons that compose it.
Extent and The Iroquois country’ extends between 41° and 44° N.,
ay hg about seventy or eighty leagues from cast to west, from
ee a the upper part of the river which has successively borne
their name, those of Richelieu and Sorel—that is to say,
from Lake St. Sacrement to Niagara—and a little over
forty leagues from north to south, or rather from north-
east to southwest—from the source of the little river
of the Mohawks to the Ohio. It is bounded, there-
fore, on the south by this last river and by Pennsylvania ;
on the west by Lake Ontario; Lake Erie on the north-

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, he was warned to be on his guard:
1646, p. 17; 1647, p.3; Lettres His Relation dela Nouvelle France, 1647,
toriques de la M. Marie de ’Incarna-_ p. 17.
tion, p. 161. 3 Relation de la Nouvelle France,

2 Registre de Villemarie, 11th 1646, p. 54.

August, 1646; Relation, 1646, pp. ‘ Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages, i,,
85, 51, 52. Fatier Jogues knew p. 102.
this before leaving the Mohawk, as 5 Compare Smith’s New York.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

west; on the north by Lake St. Sacremont and the
River St. Lawrence ; by New York partly on the south
and partly on the southeast. It is watered by several
rivers. The soil varies in different parts, but is, generally
speaking, very fertile.

The Mohawk canton is the most northerly of all, and
nearest to New York. Those of Oneida, Onondaga,
Cayuga, and Seneca follow in the order in which I have
just named them, going west, inclining a little towards
the south, which has given them the name of Upper
Cantons ; unless it is inferred that they derive their name
from being met in that order as you ascend the St. Law-
rence and Lake Ontario, which that river traverses, The
name Iroquois is purely French, and is formed from the
term J/iro or Hero, which means J have said—with which
these Indians close all their addresses, as the Latins did
of old with their divi—-and of Koué, which is a cry some-
times of sadness, when it is prolonged, and sometimes of
joy, when it is pronounced shorter.’ Their proper name
is Agonnonsionni, which means cabin-makers,’ because
they build them much more solid than other Indians.

Through the Mohawk canton, which was at the time of
which we are writing the most populous of all, a pretty
river meanders agreeably, for seven or eight leagues, be-
tween two beautiful prairies." That of Onondaga contains
a beautiful lake, called Gannentuha,’ in the vicinity of

' Charlevoix, Journal, p. 32; La-
fitau, Moeurs des Sauvages, i, p.
82. De Hornn, taking Iroquois to
be an Indian name, makes them de-
secnd from the Yreans of Herodotus:
De Origine Gentium, p. 184.

2 Charlevoix here follows Lafitau,
Moeurs des Sauvages, i., p. 102. The
Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1654,
p. 11, says Hotinnonchiendi—that is
to say, “ the completed cabin.” See
also 1660, p. 38. This is a Huron
form, Father Bruyas gives the Mo-
hawk form as Hotinonsionni; Col-

den, as Rodinunchsiouni (History of
the Five Nations, N, Y., 1727, p. 1);
Morgan, the Seneca form, Hode-
nosaunee. The translation, “ cabin.
makers,” is an error, It is a ver-
bal form, meaning “they make (i. ¢.,
constitute) a cabin ;’ hence the
“completed cabin’ itself. This is
the interpretation of Bruyas, sup-
ported by Dr. Wilson, a well-in-
formed modern Iroquois authority.

§ The Cohoes were apparently un-
known to Charlevoix.

4 Onondaga Lake,

Origin of
their name,

190

1646,

—_—” covered with very fine salt.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

which there are several salt-springs, with the edges always
Two leagues further towards

The charac- the canton of Cayuga is a spring of milk-white water, of

teristics of
euch van:
ton.

very sharp odor, and resolving itself, when set on fire,
into a kind of salt as acrid as caustic.’ This whole canton
is charming, and the soil adapted to every crop. That of
Oneida lies between Mohawk and Onondaga, and is in no
respect inferior to either ; but the canton of Cayuga sur-
passes all in excellence of soil and mildness of climate.
The inhabitants even show some slight effect, and have
always seemed the most tractable of all the Iroquois. In
the extensive tract of country occupied by the Senecas
there are charming spots, and, generally speaking, the
soil is good. Earth is said to have been discovered which,
when well washed, yields a very pure sulphur ; and in the
same place is a spring, the water of which, well boiled,
turns into sulphur. It is added that this water takes fire

spontaneously when violently agitated.’ Further on, ap-
proaching the country of the ancient Eriez, there is a
thick, oily, stagnant water, which takes fire like brandy.’

The bay of the Cayugas and that of the Senecas, and
the great marsh in the latter canton, I have spoken of
elsewhere as places that appeared to me delicious. I may
add, that coasting along the whole country from the On-
ondaga to the Niagara rivers, I saw nothing but fertile,
well-wooded and well-watered lands, if you except some
sandy beaches which do not run inland; but it may be
that parts where I did not land are not equally so.‘

Throughout the territory

of the five cantons’ all our

'Rel., 1657, p. 83. Probably a
spring near Camillus. The color is
from sulphur in a state of suspension,

2?There is one quite like it six
leagues from Grenoble.—Cvarlevoiz.
These sulphur-springs are probably
those on Oak Orchard Creek.

® These are apparently the Ciau-
tauque gas-springs, near Fredonia
and Portland: N. Y. Nat, Hist. Geol-

ogy, iv. Dist., p. 309. See Sagard,
Histoire du Canada, p. 889; also
Charlevoix, Journal, p. 224.

¢ Journal, pp. 214, 224. The Bay
of the Cayugas may be Port Bay.

5The French names of the Five
Nations are, Agni‘gué, Onneiout,
Onnontagué (pronounced Onontaké),
Goyogouin (Oyogouin), and Tsonnon-
touan.—Charlevoia.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 191

Lys European fruit-trees can be successfully cultivated. Sev- 1646,
rds eral grow there without any cultivation, and others are ~~
, of found which aro unknown to us. The forests abound in Frvit-trees.
ire, chestnut-trees and nut-trees of two kinds—one bearing a
ton very sweet, and the other a very bitter,' nut; but by pass-
| of ing this last through the ashes, they extract a good oil
no from it by means of the mill, fire, and water, in the same
ur manner that we do from the sunflower. There are, in sev-
ate. eral parts, seedless cherries, very good to eat ;‘ a tree with a
ave flower resembling our white lilies,’ and a fruit of the size and
In color of an apricot, but with the taste and smell of citron.‘
cas There is a wild citron there, which is only a plant. The
the fruit, as large as a china-orange, is very agreeable to the
ich, taste and very refreshing. It rises from between two
the heart shaped leaves, but the root of the plant is poison-
led, ous.” There are apple-trees, with fruit of the shape of a
fire goose’s egg and a seed that is a kind of bean. This fruit
ap- is fragrant and very delicate. It is a dwarf tree, requiring
is & a rich, moist soil.° The Iroquois obtained it from the
y. country of the Eriez. From the same quarter they also
and introduced a plant which we call the universal plant, the
n of leaves of which, bruised, close all kinds of wounds. These
may leaves are of the size of a hand and shaped like a fleur-de-
On- lis. The root of this plant has the odor of laurel.’ These
rtile, Indians have a number of other roots, fit for dyeing, some
some of which give very brilliant colors.
y be
1 Rel., 1657, p. 33. The pig-nut moiresdel’Amérique Septentrionale,
(Carya glabra). The we means the ii, p. $1. According to Dr. Torrey,
| our Indians. Sagard (Hist., p. 785). these must be the podophyllum pel-
9 Atoka: Rel., 1657, pp. 11, 88. tatum (mandrake, may-apple). It is
agard, Toca: Sagard, Dictionnaire, verbo much used by some schools as a sub-
also Plantes ; Histoiredu Canada, p. 779, stitute for mercury. Sce Coe's Con-
Dr. John Torrey supposes it to be centrated Organic Medicines, p. 225.
e Bay a phyealis—the winter-cherry. 6 Probably the pawpaw (asimina
jay. § The tulip-tree (liriodendron tulipi- triloba), called by the Canadian
2 Five fern), See Plantesdel’Am., Sept., p.6. French asiminier or asminier. Sce
reiout, ** 5 Relation de la N. F., 1657, p. Dumont, Memoires de la Louisiane.
itaké), 383. Compare Champlain, Voyages, 7 Rel., 1657, p. 83. Dr. Torrey is
onnon-

161), ed. Laverdiére, p. 81 and note ;
ed. 1632, p. 248; La Hontan, Me-

acquainted with no native plant to
which the description corresponds.

192

1646.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

Besides rattlesnakes, which are found among the Iro-

—Y— quois, as in all the more southerly provinces of North
Animals America, there is a black-snake, which runs up trees, and

and din-
monds,

is not venomous. This reptile has a mortal enemy, un-
worthy apparently of him, but nevertheless waging a cruel
war upon him. It is a little bird, which pounces upon
him as soon as it perceives him, and with one blow of its
beak lays him dead.’ The asps of these cantons are much
longer than ours. Tigers are found there, of alight gray,
not striped. They have a very long tail, and pursue the
poreupines.” The Iroquois kill them on the trees more
frequently than on the ground. They are good eating,
even in the opinion of the French, who esteem the flesh
as equal to mutton. All have a very fine hair, in some
ases reddish in color, and their skins are very good fur.

But the finest peltry of this country is the skin of the
black-squirrel.* This animal is as large as a three months’
kitten, very lively, gentle, and easily tamed. Of this skin
the Iroquois make robes, for which they command seven
or eight dollars apiece. The pigeons are there, as else-
where, birds of passage. A missionary observed, in an
Troquois canton, that every morning, from six o’clock till
eleven, the air above a gorge in the river, about a quarter
of a league wide, was seen to be completely darkened by
the number of these birds; that afterwards they all de-
scended to bathe in a large pond ner by, and then disap-
peared. He adds, that only the males are then seen, but
that the females come in the afternoon to go through the
same manceuvre. Finally, there are in the Iroquois coun-
try stones containing diamonds, some all ready cut, and
sometimes valuable *

I now return to the new acts of hostility, which soon

1The kingbird (tyrannus intre- color): N. Y. Nat. Hist., Zoology, i,,
pidus), of which such stories are p. 47.
still told: N. Y. Nat. Hist., Zoology, 8 Black-squirrel (sciurus niger):
i, p. 117. N. Y. Nat. Hist., Zoology, i, p. 60.
* The American panther (felis con- 4 Charlevoix, Journal, p. 171

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

rekindled a fire which had cost so much to extinguish, or
rather which had only been covered up with ashes.

The Iroquois were the aggressors. A band of their
braves approached a Huron village, with a view of carry-
ing off prisoners. Though they found them on their
guard, they were reluctant to retire without effecting any
thing. They concealed themselves in a wood, and there
pessed the night, during which a Huron, posted in a kind
of redoubt, kept up a great noise to show that he was not
asleep. Towards daybreak he ceased his clamor. Two
Iroquois immediately left the band, and gliding along to
the foot of the palisade, remained some time listening.
Not hearing a sound, one of the two climbed into the re-
doubt, and finding two men there sound asleep, toma-
hawked one, scalped the other, and escaped.’

The former died on the spot. The cries of the second
roused the whole village.” On running up, they found one
of the two men dead; the other bleeding to death. The
young men instantly took the field, and long followed the
enemy’s trail; but he had too much of a start, and they
could not overtake him. The Hurons soon had their
revenge. Three warriors took the war-path, and after
twenty days’ march reached a Seneca village. It was
night, all the cabins were closed, and the inhabitants
buried in sleep. Our adventurers cut through the side of
a cabin and entered, without awakening any one. They
then lit a light, and by its aid each chose a man whom he
killed and scalped. They then set fire to the cabin and
escaped, They were pursued, but to no purpose, for they
brought safely back to their village the trophies of their
victory.’

The missionaries beheld with sorrow these marks of a
close of the peace. So well had they profited by its brief

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, _—* St. Joseph’s.
1646, p. 55. It must have occurred —* Relation de la Nouvelle France,
in 1645. 1646, p. 55.

Von, IL —18

193

1646.

—_—_—o—’

The Tro-

quois attack

a Huron
Village,

Exploit of
three Hu-
rons.

194

1646.
—_—S—

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

duration, that Christianity might already be regarded as
the prevailing religion among the Hurons. The gospel

Progress of began to be known, too, among several other tribes, for

religion
during the
peuce.

Father
Jogues, re-
turning to

the lro-

auois, is

aban: loned
by his
guides.

which they were indebted chiefly to the Hurons them-
selves. The Indians near Quebec and Montreal showed
no less zeal. Not a year passed without giving their
pastors new occasions for chanting the praises of God in
some tongue in which His Holy Name had never yet been
uttered ; but the Iroquois soon disturbed this tranquillity,
so necessary to the propagation of the Faith and the con-
solidation of the colony, which, deprived of all relief, was
sunk in inaction.’

It was not long before Father Jogues lost faith in the
good intentions in which he had supposed the Iroquois
to be. Even before putting himself in the hands cf
those who were to take him to the town intended as his
residence, either from a presentiment, or from a conjec-
ture based on new and surer information than had pre-
viously arrived, the missionary, in his last farewells to his
friends at Quebec, and by letter to those in France, em-
ployed the expressions of a man who expected to go to
the Mohawks, not to convert them, but with a kind of as-
surance that he would speedily terminate his sacrifice there.
He soon had no doubtful proof." He had scarcely passed
Three Rivers when he beheld himself deserted by all his
guides. He remained alone with a young Frenchman
named la Lande, perfectly at a loss how to continue his
journey.’

Any one but him would have retraced his steps, and this
prudence seemed even to demand ; but the prudence of
the saints is .ot guided by ordinary rules, and is at leasé
to be respected. Convinced as the servant of God was
that he was to water with his blood a land that would
produce saints, he was not a man to recoil at the moment

1 Relations de la Nouvelle France, Relation de la Nouvelle France,
4344, 1645, 1646. 1647, p. 37.
3 Iboet non redibo. See his letter: ® Creuxius, Hist, Canad., p. 458.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

195

when he beheld all preparing for the accomplishment of 1646.

his desires. He pursued his way, and with much hard-
ship reached a Mohawk village, where he was received,
with little exception, as though he had been a prisoner of
war. He and his companion were stripped almost naked ;
nor were blows from fist or club spared.’

The reason for this strange change was never well
known. Two letters from New Netherland—one written
by the governor himself to Mr. de Montmagny, the other
by a private individual to Sieur Bourdon, Father Jogues’
companion the preceding year—after giving some details
of the holy missionary’s death, ascribe it to the conviction
in which the Mohawks were, that he had left the devil in
their country.’ The letter to the Sieur Bourdon added,
that this perfidy was exclusively the work of the Bear
tribe—the Wolf and Tortoise having done all in their
power to save the lives of the two Frenchmen, even to
telling the Bear: “ Kill us, rather than thus massacre men
who have done us no harm, and come among us on the
faith of a treaty.”* Both letters warned the French gov-
ernor that the Iroquois designed to take him by surprise,
and that four hundred men were on the point of setting
out to strike simultaneously at the French colony.

There is then every likelihood that this nation had con-
evived the same distrust of the gospel laborers as had
been at first entertained by the Hurons; and what sus-
tains this conjecture is the fact, that diseases having made
great ravages that year in the Mohawk canton, and worms
having destroyed almost all their grain, the mob were
easily convinced that these misfortunes resulted from a
spell which Father Jogues had left them in his box.
Some pagan Hurons who had settled in this canton,

‘Letter of Jan Labadie, in MS, original letters is preserved in the
Memoires sur les Vertus, and in Re- Memoires sur les Vertus, ete : Creux- °
lation, 1647, p. 38, ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 459.

® Relation de la Nouvelle France, * Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1647, p. 87. A sworn copy of the 1647, p. 38,

—_—_—

What
turned the
Mohuwks

against

him,

196

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1646. bringing with them their pristine prejudices against the

: Christi

His death.

October 17.

an religion, did not let so fine an occasion pass
for communicating them to the Iroquois. They first
seized this, and told the Mohawks that the disasters of
which they complained began precisely at the time when
they solicited missionaries.

Be that as it may, the apostolic man, seeing himself
welcomed in the manner that I have described, asked
whether any thing had happened since his departure to
predispose the nation against him. The only reply made
him was, that he, with his companion, was condemned to
death ; yet that they should not be burned, but toma-
hawked, and their heads set up on the palisades, that they
might be recognized by any of the French who might
pass by the village. In vain did the servant of God rep-
resent to them the unworthy character of such a course ;
the confidence with which he had come to put himself into
their hands; their invitations given ‘to induce him to
come and live among them; their word so solemnly
pledged to him ; the conduct of the French towards them ;
their treaties, their oaths, and the little they had to gain
by the war into which they were about to plunge anew.
A fearful, gloomy silence showed him that he spoke in
vain. He accordingly thought only of preparing for
death, and fitting for it the young man who had so faith-
fully clung to him.

During the whole of the ensuing day, the 17th of Oc-
tober, they said not a word to him till evening. Then a
Huron came to conduct Father Jogues to his cabin, under
the pretext of giving him food; for neither he nor his
companion had as yet tasted any thing that day. The
missionary followed the Huron; and as he was entering
his cabin, an Iroquois, hidden behind the door, dealt him a
blow with his tomahawk on the head, and laid him dead
at his feet. La Lande met the same fate a moment after.’

1 Lalande, a native of Dieppe, was Bressani, Breve Relatione, p. 105;
killed the next day: Memoires, MS.; Relation de la Nouv. France, 1648,

the
ASS
rst
: of
1en

self
ked

ma-

o
rep-

"Se 3

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

and their bodies thrown into the river.’

Such was the end of a man whose virtues and courage
the Iroquois themselves, years after, could not weary in
admiring. His murderer fell, the next year, into the
hands of the French, who delivered him to the Algon-
quins. The latter burned him; but apparently the holy
martyr did not abandon him in his last moments, for he
died a Christian.’ Many favors obtained by the interces-
sion of Father Jogues have been made public, and we
may affirm that the last - atury gave to the Church few
saints of a more marked character; but I leave the detail
of these marvels to those who shall undertake to write
his life.’

The Mohawks thus violating the law of nations, ex-
pected to see all the nations unite to make war on them,
and resolved to anticipate them. They took the field in
every direction, before news could spread of what they
had done on the Mohawk. One of their parties met Pies-
karet alone, but durst not attack him, convinced that he
would have killed half their number, as he had done on

p. 6. Charlevoix here gives October Bressani, Breve Relatione, pp. 77-
17 as the date; but Bressani, Tan- 105; the Relations de la Nouvelle
ner, and Alegambe, the Felation of France, especially 1647, p. 89; and
1646-7 (p. 3), and the MS. Memoires the manuscript of 1652, Memoires
touchant les Vertus, ete., the 18th. sur les Vertus des Peres de Noiie,

Their heads were then cut off and set up on the palisade,

‘Isaac Jogues was born at Or.
leans, January 10, 1607, and entered
the Society of Jesus at Rouen, in
October, 1624. He sought the Ethi-
opian mission, but on his ordina-
tion, in 1636, he was sent to Canada.
After a short stay at Miscou and
Quebec, he proceeded to the Huron
country, and labored ther2 till, as
stated in the text, he came down to
Quebec in 1642. His subsequent
sufferings and death are related in
the text. His life is given in Ale-
gambe, Mortes Illustres, p. 616:
Tanner, Socictas Militans, p. 511;

Jogues, Daniel, Brebeuf, Lalemant,
Garnier, et Chabanel; Buteux,
Narré de la prise du P. Jogues,
Father Felix Martin has written his
life at length. His family preserve
his portrait and letters, and the for-
mer is used in this work. The tid-
ings of his death reached Canada in
June, 1647: Lalemant, Journal, June
4, 1647.

? Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1647, p. 73. He was put todeath in
October, 1647.

5 Relation, 1650, p. 45; Creuxius,
Historia Canadensis, p. 499.

197

1646,
—_—_—

Conversion
of his mur-
derer,

The Mo-
hawks re-
new the
war,

Singular
escape of an
Algonquin
woman
from the
Troquois.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

several previous occasions. They were not ashamed to
meet him as a friend, and, while he mistrusted nothing,
stab him from behind.’ Others learning where several
Christian Indians were gathered to hunt, fell suddenly on
them, killed some, carried off others as prisoners—wreak-
ing the most unheard-of cruelties on them.

Hatred of Christianity thenceforward redoubled the
rage of these savages, and made the faithful who fell into
their hands genuine martyrs." Neither age nor sex any
longer preserved them from the stroke, as before; and we
are assured that on the occasion of which I am speaking
they crucified a child three years old, and let it expire in
torments—a torture hitherto unheard of among these na-
tions, and to be ascribed only to the rage which filled
their hearts against the religion proclaimed to them of a
God who died on the cross.’ The French received the

first tidings of these hostilities from some Algonquin
women, who had escaped from the hands of their tor-
turers by resolution and courage that would have elicited
The history of one of

admiration in the bravest of men.'
these deserves to be known.

She had been for ten days a prisoner in a Mohawk vil-
lage, and was as yet in ignorance of her final doom. She
had, however, more ground for fear than for hope; be
cause she had been stripped totally naked on entering the
village, and had been unable to obtain the least thing to
cover herself. One night, while lying as usual in a cabin,
bound hand and foot with cords which were made fast to
as many stakes, and surrounded by Indians who lay on
the cords, she perceived that they were all sound asleep.

' Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1647, p. 47; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
nadensis, p. 465; De la Potherie,
Histoire de l’Amérique Meridionale,
i, p. 804; Colden, History of the
Five Nations (N. Y., 1727), p. 18;
Latcmant, Journal, March 22, 1647.

* See Benedict XIV., De Canoniza-

tione ; Allocution of Pope Pius VI.
on the death of Louis XVI, as to
what constitutes martyrdom.

3 Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
p. 468; Relation, 1647, p. 16.

4 Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
p. 470; Relation de la Nouvelle
France, 1647, p. 8.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

She immetiately endeavored to extricate one hand, and

199

1646,

succeeding in this, without much difficulty unbound her- —~—~

self completely.’

On this, she rose, went softly to the cabin-door, took a
hatchet, and brained the one who lay readiest to her hand.
She then sprang to a hollow tree, large enough to conceal
her entirely, and which she had already observed quite
near the cabin. The noise made by the dying man soon
roused the whole village; and as, no doubt was enter-
tained of their prisoner’s flight, ail the young men started
in pursuit. All this she marked from her shelter, and she
perceived that her pursuers all took one direction, and
that the rest had returned to their cabins, leaving no one
near her tree. She immediately stole out, and taking just
the opposite direction from that of the braves, she reached
the woods undiscovered.

No one thought of taking that direction all that night ;
but when day came, her trail was discovered and followed.
The start she had gained gave her two days over her
enemies. On the third day she heard a noise. Being on
the bank of a lake, she waded in up to her neck; and
the moment she perceived the Mohawks, she plunged
entirely under, behind some flags, under cover of which
she put her head above water occasionally, to breathe
and watch. She saw her pursuers, after a careful scrutiny
all around, retrace their steps. She let them get to some
distance ; then she crossed the marsh and continued her
route.

She travelled thirty-five days, living solely on roots and
berries. At last she struck the St. Lawrence, a little
below St. Peter’s Lake ; and not daring to remain in the
neighborhood of the River Sorel, for fear of being sur-
prised by some Iroquois war-party, she hastily made a
sort of raft to cross the river. As she approached Three
Rivers, without well knowing where she was, she discoy-

' Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p. 477; Relation, 1647, p. 15.

Who were
the Abéua-
quis.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

ered a canoe, and fearing lest it might be an Iroquois, she
plunged into the depths of the woods, where she remained
till sunset. She then approached the river again, and a
moment after perceived the fort of Three Rivers.

Almost at the same time she was discovered by some
Hurons, whom she recognized. She immediately hid her-
self behind a bush, and cried out to them that she was not
in a state to show herself decently, and begge? them to
give her some covering. They threw her a robe, and
when she had wrapped it around her, she came up and
was brought to the fort. Here the account she gave of
her adventures was with difliculty credited ; but so many
similar examples occurred subsequently, that at last
nothing of the kind any longer excited surprise. Men
comprehended, at least, that fear of death or torture can
make the feeblest undert¢ke and accomplish what the
most hardy would not, under other circumstances, think
of attempting.’

While the Iroquois by their perfidy cast aside the occa-
sion offered them by Heaven of sharing in its graces, and
renewed their ravages against our allies and their hostil-

ities in the French colony, another nation—which yields
to no other on this continent in valor, which surpasses all
in mildness and docility, and which was then quite popu-
lous—came forward spontaneously to swell the fold of
Indian believers, and by its conversion to Christianity be-
came a barrier for New France which all its enemies nc ser
could force.’

These were the Abénaquis. I have elsewhere remarked
that this people inhabited the southern part of New
France, which extends from Penobscot to New England,
and that the portion of the nation living in the vicinity of
the Kennebec were called Canibas.’ The subsequent

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, Maurault, Hist. des Abén., p. 11.
1647, p. 16; Creuxius, Historia Ca- * Vol. 1, p. 264. For the meaning
nadensis, p. 479. of Abénaqui, see Hist. Mag., iv., p.

2 Relation de la N. F., 1647, p.61; 180; Vetromile’s Abnakis, p, 50.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

necessity of defending themselves against the English and
their allies having forced them to unite with the Ete-
chemins or Malecites, living near the Penobscot, and the
Miemacs or Souriquois, the native inhabitants of Acadia
and all the eastern coast of Canada, the close union
formed between these three nations, their attachment to
our interests and to the Christian religion, and striking
correspondence between their dialects, have quite com-
monly led to include them all under the general name of
Abénaqui nations; and I shall hereafter conform to this
usage, where it is not necessary to distinguish one of
these tribes from another.’

For some time the Canibas had frequented Sylleri, and
some were even baptized there.? On their return home
they inspired their countrymen with the desire of imitat-
ing them, and the whole nation sent to the governor-
general and the superior of the Jesuits to solicit a mis-
sionary. A people with a reputation for bravery, and
able by its position between us and the English to be of
great service to us in case of a rupture with New Eng-
land, was an acquisition not to be neglected. The depu-
ties were very well received at Quebec, and Father
Gabriel Dreuillettes set out with them in the latter part
of August, 1646.’

* As to these tribes, see the Re- * Achief was baptized at Sillery in
lations de Ia Nouvelle France, 1648; Creuxius, Hist. Canadensis, p.
for 1637, 1640, 1641, 1643, 1644, 872. Canibesinnoaks means “ Those
1616, 1647, 1650 to 1652, 1660 to dwelling near the Lakes:” Maurault,
1664; Lettres Edifiantes; Letters Hist. des Abnakis.

of F, Rale and F. de la Chasse.
Williamson's Maine, i., p. 463. His-
torie des Abnakis par l’Abbé J. A.
Maurault, Sorel, 1866. Rale’s dic-
tionary is the great treasury for the
Abnaki language. For the Micmac
hieroglyphics and their origin, see
Historical Magazine, v., p. 289; Cro-
naca delle Missioni Francescani,
Rome, vol. iii, p. 40; Kauder’s Mic-
mac Prayer-Book, Vienna.

> The Abnaki mission, and that of
the Mohawks under Father Jogues,
were both decided upon on April
26, 1646. The Abnaki Mission
was called that of the Assumption.
Father Druillettes set out, August
29, with two Indian canoes, under
Claude, a good Christian: Journal
of the Superior (MS.); Relation
de la Nouvelle France, 1647, p. 51;
Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,p. 483.

201

1646,
—_———_

They ask

and obtain

a niission-
ary,

202

1646,
—_——

Their char-
acter,

Father
Drenillettes
welcomed
by the
Capuchins,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

His journey was long and painful.'’ The Abénaquis, as
well as their neighbors, are indolent. We have never sue-
ceeded in inducing them to cultivate the ground, and they
have even less forecast for the future than other Indians,
The consequence is, that few more frequently suffer from
hunger and a want of the merest necessaries of life. But
their affection for their missionaries, their good disposi-
tion, their sincere attachment to the French, the essential
services which they have rendered to New France (which
would perhaps not now exist had it not had these Indians
to oppose to the Iroquois and English), and still more,
their unshaken constancy in the Faith, have greatly
lightened for the evangelical laborers the rigors of this
painful mission.

On the banks of the Kennebec, Father Dreuillettes
found some Capuchin Fathers, who had a hospice there.
These religious had a house also at Pentagoét, and acted
as chaplains, not only to the French settled on all that
coast and that of Acadia, but also to those whom trade
allured thither, They received the Jesuit missionary with
great joy and all possible cordiality. They had long
desired to see missions established among the Indians of
those quarters, whom they deemed very fit for the King-
dom of God; and they had even themselves entertained
the idea of visiting Quebec, to induce the Fathers of the
Society not to leave any longer untilled a so:! so well pre-
pared to receive the seeds of the Faith.’

Father Dreuillettes spent the whole winter and spring
in visiting the different towns of that country, baptized
many children and some dying adults, finding in all a
great desire for religious instruction, Even medicine-men

1 He apparently went uptheChau- Ignatius, of Paris) welcomed him at
diere, and then made a portage to first, they were forced, apparently,
the Kennebec. by the Fishing Companies, to write

+ As to the Capuchin missions, see to Quebee and ask that he should
Historical Magazine, vols. viii. and not return: Journal of the Su-
ix. Though the Superior (Father perior.

, as
sUC-
hey
ns,
rom
But
Osi-
tial
hich
ans
ore,
atly
this

ttes
1ere,
cted
that
rade
with
long
s of
ing-
ined

the
pre-

ring
ized
ll a
men

im at
ntly,
write
hould
e Su.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

declared themselves his disciples, and burned all that they
had used in their divinations.' The harvest seemed to
him so ripe and abundant that, when the roads became
passable, he felt it his duty to return to Quebee, to lay
before his superior the condition in which he found affairs
among the Abénaqui nations." On his report steps were
taken to found a mission, which promised the same fruits
of benediction as were already gathered in the most flour-
ishing, and where the missionaries hoped to labor with
great success, as there was nothing to be dreaded from
the Iroquois there.’

Tho affairs of New France were in this state, when the
Chevalier de Montmagny received orders to resign his
government to Mr. d’Ailleboust, who had been for some
time in command at Three Rivers, and to return to
France.‘ The disobedience of the Commander de Poinci,
governor-general in the West Indies—who had refused to
receive a successor sent by the king, maintained himself
in his post in spite of the court, and gave sn example of
rebellion which some minor governors began to follow—
induced the king’s council to adopt a resolution not to
leave colonial governors in office for more than three
years, for fear that they should grow to regard their
domain as a country where they had too long been
masters.

General laws have their objections, and it is unfortu-
nate to be placed in circumstances where it is impossible
to remedy by necessary exceptions their action, when
prejudicial to the common good. A well-selected governor
cannot be left too long at the head of a new colony. One

' Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1647, p. 52; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
nadensis, p. 484.

*He reached Sillery, June 16
(Journal of the Superior)}—although
the Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1647, p. 56, says 15th—after forming
a friendship with John Winslow :

Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1647,
p. 56.

3 Father Druillettes was not sent
back, in consequence of letters from
the Capuchins: Journal of the Su-
perior, July 3-4, 1647.

4The news came first in the fall
of 1647. See note, p. 205.

203

1646,
—_—_———

This flrat Ine

bors among

the Abéna-
quis,

Recall of
Mr. do
Montma-

guy.

204

1646,
Sorry —

This eharac-
for ancl that
of hia
AucoeaRAOr,

TUHISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

devoid of the talents required for a post of this) impor-
tance, or with qualities detrimental to the serviee of his
prince, cannot be removed too soon: but exeept in ease of
marked incapacity and well-grounded foars of miseonduet,
nothing can happen more fatal to the progress of a eolony
which is not well established than the frequent change
of governors; inasmuch as solid) foundations require a
great uniformity of conduet, and projeets must be followed
out whieh cannot ripen or bo executed exeopt with time,
and a new governor rarely approves the views: of his pre-
decessor or fails to eonsider that he has better. Tis
successor Will pasa the same judgment on his in’ their
turn; and thus, by ever beginning anew, a colony will
never leave its infaney, or make but slow progress, But
yet there are ciremmstances where prudence forbids a
prince to follow a course whieh is really the most ox-
pedient, Sad extreme to whieh these pods of earth
aro sometimes reduced, where tho inability to whieh
they are brought, of remedying an evil exeept by an
evil, is well fitted to impress them with a sense of their
workness,

Tho Chovalior de Montmagny fell into none of tho
errors of whieh T have spoken, On the contrary, he
studiously modelled his conduct on that of his prede-
cessor, and confined himself to following, as farias in him
lny, the plan whieh Mr, do Champlain had traced in his
momoirs, Henee it is certain that, had the Canada Com-

pany seconded him, he would have put the colony ona

very good footing, and he is greatly to be praised for
having sustained it as he did with so little power, His
life, moreover, was so exemplary, and he displayed on all
occasions so much wisdom, piety, religion, and disinter-
estedness ; he spared himself so little when the inselonee
of the Troquois was to be repressed ; and ho knew so well
how to maintain his dignity in the most delieate cireum-
stances, that ho endeared himself equally to Preneh and
Indiana, and the court even long proposed hime to the

\por-
f his
Ko of
duet,
ony
NEO
ire on
owed
time,
pre-
His
their
y will
But
aly on
{ ox-
earth
which
y An
their

f the
y, ho
wode-~
v him
in his
Com-
On
«ll for

His
on all
‘inter.
donee
o well
reum-
loaned

lo the

MUISTORY oF

too much studied.'

NEW FRANCH

gevernors of new colonies as a model who could not be

His suecessor’ was a worthy man, fall of religion and
good-will, He had belonged to the Society of Montreal,

entirely made up of pious persons, zealous for the eonver

sion of the heathen. He commanded in that island diving
n voyage which Mr, de Maisonneuve had been obliged to
make to France. Thenoe he had passed to the yovern-

"The Chevalier de Montmiagny
loft Canada on the Admiral, Sept
23, 1648. Ferland, who euloizes
the character of (hia governor, agdo
the Kelationa (Relation, (644, pe;
Crouxiua, Tistorian Canadensis, p
HO; and Mother Juchereau, in her
Histoire de PHotel Dieu, p. 76), adda
“Wo find nothing very authentic
ag to himeatter thie, My, Aubert de
In Chenaye says, nevertheloas, (hat
he died at St, Witt's, in the hone of
hie kinaman, Mr, de Poiney ; but
thie nsaertion fa supported by ne
proof” Conrad Hiatoive, i, p Aer
His removal may have come, too,
from the opposition between hing
and the new colony at Montrent
Nee Memoire de Mr deta Chenaye,
in TAH Maillon. Tiatoire deo da
Colonie Franeniae, ti. p.

* Louie d'Ailoboust, Selenenr de
Coulonges, waa oa gentleman of
Champagne, of a family alrendy dia
tinguished in medicine and the
Chureh He went to Canada in
1043, from purely religious motives
He led out a number of eoloniaia,
and did mueh for the new town
Ruainess requiring hia return. he
Railed for Franee, Oet, Ot tay
Glournal of the Superior of the Jesu
ite), Having conelided Ita attra,
he sailed back, and areived on the
Q0th Aupuet, 148: Journal of the
Superior; Relation de Ia Nouvelle

Franee, 1048, p. 2 Te brought out

® new Royal Regulation, dated
Mareh 6, 1648, modifving in aome
particulars that of Mareh O73, (47,
whieh may be considered the Grat
Canadian charter: Canadian Col
Doo Uh, bp Ui By that of 1648
the governor waa te be chosen for
{hree years, hut might be reap
pointed. THe was to have a eouneil,
comprising: the bishop (or, tH there
Was one, the Superior of (he Jesnita),
the lnat governor, and two inhab
tanta choaen hy the eouneil and
the avndica of Queboe, Montroal, and
Three Rivera, Hf there waa no ex

governor in the colony, an inhab
itané wae chosen in hia place. ‘Chia
regtlation waa long in foree, and in
(71M) complaing waa made that it
Was not followed strietly Under
those charters the general of the
feet and the ayndica had aright to
appearincouneil with a deliberative
voiee na to matters relating to Chote
conatitvonta. he counedl appointed
officers and fixed eatariog aeons
to he elected annually and report
annually, Settlora could bay tira
of Tndinna with colonial goods, but
Were compelled to fale furs to pub

lie atorea FMerland, Coura d'iia

forre, fh, opp. 840, 868. Madame
WAilebouat (Marbarn de Reuloene),
(hough relnetant at frat toeome te
Conada, took, neverthelesa, a prom

Tnont part inomany of the wood
works bog at Montreal,

BON

1646,

——

v

—_—/

206 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1646. ment of Three Rivers.. Thus he knew Canada perfectly, '
—~— and was not ignorant of its necessities. He accordingly
omitted nothing that depended on him to provide for
them; but as he was not better served than those who
preceded him, New France continued, under his adminis-
tration, to encounter misfortunes which it would be unjust

to ascribe to him.

1 Creuxius (Historia Canadensis, boust was governor of Montreal
p. 502) says the same, but Faillon during the absence of Maisonneuve.
(Histoire de la Colonie Francaise, ii, de was never governor of Three
p. 86) corrects the error. D’Aiile- Rivers.

JESUIT MISSIONARIES,

eee de Ng we Sra Yuko Rep | (yxy an,
(Sfoike Joy t Cf To Pepe Dioncwy Poe Popu,

Jo aixney De Brebeue nants moyne Lo

Ged fa lem ane J, ez Cr othr, -
Na tulh Chula nth LG ;

t We Ma emanate
Ronahd Sena f Fofu TF (

Linon Gonto ja 4, fran a fend te Maren? oF,

FOUNDERS OF CONVENTS.

v4 3 i f
: hha we ee Va Pa es Li fiy dhe La ele ra

yy :
CU

Toanne Pirie

dee

tac ay f
ce a

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

BOOK VII.

QueEsE¢ and all the French settlements were then quite

1648.

tranquil, and the Indians who had settled among us, or —~—
came to trade, profited by this calm. Commerce was state of the
confined chiefly to peltries, and it was especially at °!"%

Three Rivers and Tadoussac that the Indians assembled
to trade. Most of them came from the northern parts,
and they were all instructed in the Christian truths.
These they communicated to their neighbors, and they
never failed to return with proselytes, who were then
finally prepared for baptism. Sylleri, too, daily increased
in population and fervor ; but the Huron church, although
the most numerous of all, and fruitful in great examples of
virtue, was a source of constant disquiet and alarm to the

missionaries.

Nevertheless, this same year, 1648, brought some new Unforte-
gleams of hope that the Hurons and Iroquois would settle
their differences. The Andastes or Andastoez,'’ a then ‘2? #urons.
powerful and warlike nation, sent offers of aid to the
former, who at the time had gained important advantages
over their enemies.’ It was a favorable opportunity’ to

1 Andastoe (says the Relation de
la Nouvelle France, 1648, p. 56) is a
country beyond the Neuter nation,
one hundred and fifty league. 3. E.
4S. from the Hurone. in a straight
line, or two hundred leagues by the
trails, of Huron language. They
were near the Swedes. Ante, p. 72.

2 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
Vou. IL—14

1648, p. 58. Du Creux’s map
gives geographical data not in
the Relations. The Huron envoy,
Charles Ondaaiondiont, who reached
Andastoe early in June, there learned
the death. of Father Jogues.

3 Father Bressani, who descended
to Quebec in July, brought news of
a defeat of an Iroquois party by the

nate ma-
nouvre of

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

regain their pristine superiority over the Iroquois, but
they would not profit by it except to enable them to obtain
a favorable peace ; and by not taking the surest means to
succeed in this, which was a vigorous preparation for war,
they fell a dupe to the duplicity and bad faith of their
enemy.

To all appearance they declined the offers of the An-
dastes, or at least failed to do what they could to profit by
the offers of that nation; and, in fact, I find no mention
of anv diversion made by those Indians in their favor.
Thus the overweening confidence of the Hurons was really
what began to enfeeble them, and at last destroyed the
nation ; for while the Onondagas amused them with nego-
tiations, the Mohawks and Senecas suddenly fell on two
large hunting-parties from the town of St. Ignatius, and
totally routed them.’ Then for a time no hostilities were
heard of, and this was enough to plunge the Hurons again
into their former security. This was the object of the
Mohawks. They took up arms secretly, and appeared in
the field on a side where they were least expected.

Father Anthony Daniel ministered a..ne to a whole can-
ton, his ordinary residence being the town of St. Joseph,
the first where they had undertaken to plant the gospel.’
On the 4th of July, very early in the morning, while that
religious was celebrating the holy mysteries, he heard a

Hurons, who killed or took thirty. nons, a Neuter tribe next to the
The superior of the Jesuits was so Hurons.

confident, that, as two hundred and
fifty Hurons came down, he sent up
Fathers Lalemant, Daran, and Gres-
lon—with two other Fathers, one
lay-brother, three boys, nine me-
chanics, eight soldiers—and they
were to take in four more at Mon-
treal, with a cannon ; Journal of Su-
perior of Jesuits, July, August, 1648.

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1648, p. 49 ; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
nadensis, pp. 523, 524. The Senecas
ai this time attacked the Aondiro-

2 This St. Joseph was not the town
Caragouha or Thonatiria. Champlain,
1619 (Laverdiére’s edition, p. 28,
note), where the mission began (ante,
p. 77), that town having been aban-
doned in 1688. Rel. de la N. France,
1638, p. 59; 1689, p. 56. The name
St. Joseph was then transferred to
Teananstayae (Ib. letter of F. Charles
Garnier, MS.), the Tequenonkiaye of
Champlain (Voy. 1619, p. 28, ed.
Laverdiére) and of Sagard (Hist. du
Can., p. 208); called also Ossossané,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

confused noise of people running in all directions, ex-

211

1648,

claiming, “ They are killing us!” There was scarcely any- ~~

body in the village at the time but old men, women, and
children. The enemy, informed of this, had made his
approach by night, and attacked at daybreak. At the
first alarm given by the cries of the dying, the chapel was
deserted. The priest had time oaly to terminate the sac-
rifice, lay aside the sacerdotal vestments, shut them up
with the sacred vessels, and run to the quarter from which
the cries proceeded.’

No sooner had he reached it than the m vad and
painful spectacle met his eyes: his beloved neophytes
massacred unresistingly ; the enemy, like a pack of fam-
ished wolves who find a sheepfold open, giving no quarter
to the most tender age or feeble sex; old men, almost
decrepit, gathering a remnant of strength from despair,
fighting with no probability of success ; no one able to
make sufficient effort to arrest the first onset of the assail-
ants. He approached those who seemed disposed to die,
at least, with arms in their hands, and warned them that
these enemies, who could deprive them of bodily life, had
no power over their souls, av.. that eternity depended on
their dying in the sentiments which he had so often incul-
cated upon them.’

He beheld himself at the same time surrounded by
women and children, whom they pursued, tomahawk in
hand, and who conjured him to take pity on them. Pa-
gans even, whose obstinacy he had failed to overcome,
threw themselves at his feet, and implored baptism.

! Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1649, p. 83; Creuxius, Historia Cana-
densis, p. 525 ; Gobat, Narratio His-
torica eorum que Societas Jesu in
Nova Francia, fortiter egit et passa
est, anno M.DC.XLIIX. & XLIX,
Ceniponti, 1650, p. 18; Memoires
touchant les Vertus des Péres de
Noue, Jogues, Daniel, etc., MS. ; Let-

tre du P. Ragueneau in Carayon,
Documents Inédits, xii., pp. 240-3 ;
Bressani, Breve Relatione, p. 105;
Tanner, Societas Militans, p. 673;
Alegambe, Mortes IIustres, p. 642 ;
Chaumonot, Autobiographie, New
York, 1858, p. 59.

? Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1649, p. 3.

A Huron
town ie
stroyed by
ths Mo-
hawks,

212

1648,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

There was not a moment to lose. The apostolic man

—v~ exhorted both classes, in a few words, to implore God's
Death of pardon for their sins; then he dipped a handkerchief in

Father

Anthony Water, and baptized by aspersion those who pressed for-

Daniel.

ward to receive the sacrament. At that moment the
palisades were carried on every side ; and the blood which
streamed from all the cabins and in the square, rekindling
the fury of the victors, nothing scarcely was to be seen
but the dead and dying.’

Those whose age and strength enabled them to seek
safety in flight then earnestly implored the missionary to
escape with them ; but he constantly refused, and recol-
lecting some sick persons whose baptism he had deferred,
he ran to their cabins and baptized them. He then
returned to the chapel, to get the altar vessels and vest-
ments and put them in a secure spot. There he gave a
general absolution to some who had come for the purpose.
Then his only thought was to offer to God the sacrifice of
his life.’

The Iroquois, on their side, no longer finding any one
to oppose them, set fire to the cabins, and approached the
chapel, uttering fearful yells. The servant of God, when
he saw them coming, exhorted all who remained with him
to take to the woods; and to gain time for them, went
forward himself to meet the enemy. Astonished at such
resolution, the savages recoiled some paces. But recoy-
ering from their panic, they surrounded the holy man;
and not yet daring to approach him, alone and unarmed
as he was, they pierced him with arrows. Bristling as he
was with the shafts, he still spoke with surprising energy,
—now to God, to whom he offered his blood, shed for the
flock which He had confided to his care ; now to his mur-
derers, whom he reproached with their perfidy and men-

! Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1649, p. 4; Lettre du P. Charles
1649, p. 3. Garnier, 25 Avril, 1649 ; Ragueoean,
* Relation de la Nouvelle France, Vie de la Mére Catherine, p 53.

man
tod’
ef in
1 for-
t the
vhich
dling

seen

seek
ry to
recol-
srred,
then
vest-
ave a
"pose.
ice of

y one
xd the
when
h him
, went
; such
recoy-
man;
armed
as he
nergy,
or the
3 mur-
1 men-

Charles
‘ueoran,
53.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

aced with the wrath of Heaven,—assuring them, neverthe-

213

1648,

less, that they would ever find the Lord ready to receive ~~

them into favor, if they had recourse to his bounty.

At last, one of the most resolute advanced and pierced
his heart with a kind of partisan, and laid him dead at
his feet. All immediately fell on his body, and there
was not one of these furies who did not dip his hands in
the blood. They then stripped the torn and bleeding
body, and after treating it with a thousand indignities,
flung it into the blazing chapel. The Huron nation was
inconsolable for the death of this missionary, and there
was no one in the colony who did not revere him as a
victim of the most heroic charity. Seven hundred per-
sons perished in this disaster,’ and the town of St. Joseph
was never restored. Those who escaped, and those who
were absent at the time, took refuge at t!.e town of St.
Mary’s—a metropolis, as it were, of the country—where
they were left in quiet for the rest of the year and down
to the ensuing spring.’

Almost at the same time that this was occurring
amongst the Hurons, the French, not without some aston-
ishment, beheld an envoy arrive at Quebec from New
England, sent to propose a perpetual alliance between the
two colonies, independent of any rupture that might
ensue between the two crowns.’ Mr. d’Aillebottt, finding

1 Relation de la N. F., 1649, p.5. obedient, and pious, is the character

* Relation de la Nouvelle France, given by his contemporaries,
1649, p. 5; Gobat, Narratio Histo- —* Druillettes, Narré du Voyage
Tica, pp. 20-83 ; Marie de l’Incarna- faict pour la Mission des Abnaquiois
tion, Lettres Histuriques, p. 192; et des Connoissances tiréz de la Nou-
Chaumonot, Autobiographie, p. 59; velle Angleterre et des dispositions
Garnier, Lettres, MS, Father An- des Magistrats de cette République
thony Daniel—called by the Hurons, pour le secours contre les Troquois,
Antwen—was born at Dieppe, in és années 163) & 1651, p. 81; Rela-
Normandy, in 1601, and entered the tion de la Nouvelle France, 1652, p.
Society of Jesus at the age of twenty. 26. The elder Winthrop was the
Sent to Canada in 1633, he labored first proposer of this step, according
first at Cape Breton; but from J uly, to Druillettes, and wrote, in 1647,
1634, to his death, July 4, 1648, on Epistola ad Dominum Joannem
the Huron mission, Meek, humble, Winthrop, New York, 1864, p. 6.

Death of
Father
Anthony
Daniel,

214

1648,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

the proposition favorable, by the advice of his council, de-

—r~" puted Father Dreuillettes to Boston, as plenipotentiary,

a
shone moh

New Eng-
land,

to conclude and sign the treaty ; but on condition that the
English should join us in making war on the Iroquois.

I do not exactly know what was then the success of this
first journey of the missionary ;' but it is certain that the
negotiation, after languishing for a time, was resumed
with more earnestness in 1651. This is attested by the
following documents, preserved in the Depét de la Marine,
and which I deem it proper to insert, as being the only
papers I could discover relating to this affair. The first is
a letter addressed by the Council of Quebec to the Com-
missioners of New England, as follows :

“ GENTLEMEN—Some years since, the gentlemen of Bos-
ton having proposed to us to establish trade between New
France and New England, the Council established by his
majesty in this country unites its replies to- the letters
which our governor had written to your parts, the tenor
whereof was, that we would willingly desire this trade, and
therewith the union of hearts and minds between our col-

onies and yours ; but that we desired, at the same time, to
enter into an offensive and defensive league with you
against | the Iroquois, our enemies, who would ‘Prevent this

1 Yet the archives of the College
of Quebec contained Druillettes’ nar-
rative of his voyage. See Druil-
lettes, Narré du Voyage, etc., 1855,
and a translation in the Collectiong
of the N. Y. Hist. Society, series II.,
vol. iii. ; also Epistola ad Dominum
Dom, Joannem Winthrop ; and let-
ter in .’erland’s Notes sur le Registre
de Quebec, p. 95. He set out Aug. 81,
1650, and after much suffering
reached Norridgewalk. After a
short stay, he proceeded to Cous-
sinoc (Augusta), and presented his
credentials to John Winslow, the
Plymouth agent, who kindly accom-
panied him to Boston, He saw Gov-
ernor Dudley of Massachusetts, who

referred him to Plymouth, as the
Kennebec was under the jurisdiction
of that colony. Governor Bradford
welcomed him ; but the French en-
voy found that any aid against the
Iroquois could be decided only by
the Commissioners of the United
Colonies, and he endeavored to in-
fluence the delegates to that body.
After doing all in his power to dis-
pose the magistrates favorably, he
returned to the Kennebec, visiting
the New England Indian apostle,
Eliot, on his way. He reached his
mission safely, and in the spring re-
turned to Quebec: Jesuit Jour., June,
1651. The documents here given are
in Canad. Col. Doc., IL, i, pp. 10-12.

, de-
ary,
; the

this
t the
med
r the
rine,
only
rst is
Jom-

Bos-
New
y his
tters
tenor
, and
r col-
ne, to
, you
t this

as the
diction
radford
ich en-
ist the
mly by
United
l to in-
t body.
to dis-
ibly, he
visiting
apostle,
hed his
ring re-
r., June,
iven are
p, 10-12.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

trade, or at least render it less advantageous both for you

ages—who massacre the Sokokinois and Abénaquinois, s
. P P New En,
your allies—and the ease with which you could carry on jand, 1681.

the war, by our taking it up properly, are two reasons
which have induced us to follow up this matter with you
in your Court of Commissioners. We have requested our
governor to write to you eflicaciously, This is to join our
exertions to his, and to assure you of the disposition of
our hearts, and of those of all in New France, for this
trade with New England, and for the designs of this war
against the Iroquois, who should be our common foe,
Besides the Sieur de Dreuillettes, who already this winter
began to negotiate this matter, we have been pleased that
Sieur Godefroy, councillor of ow body, be associated.
The merit of these two depurics leads us to hope a happy
result for the design. They are invested with necessary
powers to that end,—that is to say, both to establish firmly
trade between you and us, and to relieve you of the ex-
pense necessary to be incurred in the war in question
against the Iroquois. We beg you to give them a hear-
ing, and to act with them as you would do with us, with
the frankness natural to Englishmen as much as to us
Frenchmen. We cannot doubt but that God will bless
your arms and ours, when they are employed in the
defence of Christian Indians, both your allies and ours,
against heathen savages, who have neither faith, nor God,
nor any justice in their course, as you may learn more at
length from the said Sieurs our deputies, who will assure
you of the sincere desire we entertain that Heaven may
ever continue to bless your provinces, and load you,
gentlemen, with its favors.

“ Done in the chambers of our Council, established by the
king, at Quebec, in New France, this 20th of June, 1651.”

The second concerns the nomination of Sieur Godefroy
to treat conjointly with Father Dreuillettes, and is en-

215

1648,
and for us. The obligation which, it seems to us, you “~~”

shovid feel to repress the insolence of these Iroquois sav- Letter to
Commis

ioners of

216 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1648. titled, “Extract from the Registers of the Ancient Council
—Y~" of this Country, June 20, 1651 :”

Resistor of “The Council assembled at nine o’clock in the morning
of Quebec, —present: the governor ; the reverend Father Superior ;
une Messieurs de Mauze,’ de Godefroy, and Menoil—on the
proposition made to the Council, touching a certain re-
scription made by the Council, in the year 1648, to the
end that a union be made between the colonies of New
France and New England, to carry on commerce with
each other. The Council, desiring to meet their wishes,
has nominated, wd nominate, Sieur Godefroy,’ one of the
councillors of the Council established by his majesty in
this country, to proceed with the Rev. Father Dreuillettes,
to the said New England, to the said Commissioners, to
treat and act with them according to the power given to
them by the Council, a copy whereof is inserted in the
liasse, as also a copy of the letter written to the said Com-
missioners of New England by the Council. And as to
merchandise brought by one Thomas Yost,’ on the assur-
ance and good faith of Rey. Father Dreuillettes, the
Council has decided to send and meet him, to point out a

place where he may deliver them, and that in its time.
“ Louis d’Ailleboust, lieutenant-general for the king, and

governor of all New France, ete., greeting :

“Having been solicited and entreated, both by the
Christian Indians depending on our government and by
the Abénaquinois, living on the river of Kinibequi, and
others their allies, to protect them against the incursion
of the Iroquois, theiy common enemies, as it had been

heretofore practised by Sieur de Montmagny, our prede-
cessor in this government, and having anew shown us

'Maure: Jesuit Jour,, June, 1650. de Repentigny: Ferland, Notes, p. 67.

*John Paul Godefroy, ship-cap- 8 Yau, in the Narr:, p. (8 Ap-
tain, son of R. Godefroy, Esq., of St. parently Thomas Yeo or Yow, who
Nicholas des Champs, at Paris. He in 1652) projected the conduit in
was an carly settler, and in 1646 Ann street, Boston ; Savage, Geneal.
married Mary Magdalen le Gardeur Dict., iv., p. 608.

neil

ing
OY 5
the
re-
the
Yew
vith
18,

the

. to
the
p-
; to
sur-
the
it a

and

the
by
and
gion
een
ede-
1 us

p. 67.

Ap-
who
it in

neal.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

that all their nations were on the point of being totally
destroyed unless we speedily bronght a remody—We, for
these causes and the good of this colony, and following
the express orders given us in the name of the queen-
regent, mother of the king, to protect the Tndians against
their said enemies, have deputed, and depute, with the
advice of the Council established in this country and somo
of the most notable inhabitants, the Sieurs Gabriel Dreu-
illettes, preacher of the gospel to the Tndian nations, and
John Godefroy, one of the councillors of the said Council,
ambassadors for them to the gentlemen of New England,
to treat, either with the governors and magistrates of
New England, or with the General Court of Commis-
sioners and Deputies of the United Colonies, for assist-
ance in men, and munitions of war, and supplies, to
attack the said Iroquois in the most proper and con-
venient places ; as also to agree upon articles which shall
be deemed necessary to assure this treaty, and to grant
to the said people of New England the trade which they
have desired from us by their letters in the year 1647,
with tho articles, clauses, and conditions which they shall
therein see necessary, awaiting U:e arrival of: the ambas-
sador whom wo shall send on our behalf to ratify and
establish finally what they may have agreed upon.

“We accordingly pray all governors, lieutenants-gen-
eral, captains, and others, to let them pass freely, ete.”

To all appearance, it was this condition of making war
on the Iroquois which broko off the negotiation; and it
was, in fact, exacting much from the English, who were
far enough removed from the Troquois to have aught to
fear from them, and who were engaged exclusively in trado
and agriculture.” It is certain that the alliance was not

' Before the date of these papers design, or to grant them liberty to
the colony of Plymouth decided go through their jurisdiction for the
against the French request. “'Tho aforesaid purpose 2? Reeorda of the
court declare themselves aot to be Colony of Plymouth, June 5, (65H,
willing either to aid them in their ? Druillottes and Godefroy reached

217

1648,
—_—

218

1648.
—_——

Supineness
of the Hu-
rons.

Two Huron
towns de-
stroyed by

the Iro-
quois.

1649.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

made—at least, on the footing proposed. On the other
hand, the Iroquois having been for six months without
making any ‘new attempt, the Indians once more forgot
that they had to deal with an enemy against whom they
should never cease for a single day to be on their guard.
In regard to the Hurons, it was not the fault of their
missionaries that they were supine; but these religious,
unable to persuade their neophytes to adopt, for their own
preservation, the precautions which prudence dictated,
redoubled their exertions to sanctify them and prepare
them for any event. On this score they were met by per-
fect docility. They found no difficulty in inspiring senti-
ments most suitable to the sad situation to which they
reduced themselves by their inconceivable lethargy and
blindness—unexampled, perhaps, in history. What con-
soled the pastors was to see them, when necessary, face
death with a courage which inspired them, in turn, to die
as Christian heroes. Father Jogues and Father Daniel

soon had imitators, who gave the Indian Christians the
most exalted idea of their zeal and constancy.
On the 16th of March, 1649, a party of one thousand Iro-

quois fell suddenly, before daybreak, on the town of St.
Ignatius. It was strongly enough fortified against any In-
dian attack, but it contained at the time only four hundred
souls, and no watch was kept. The assailants accordingly
had no trouble except to set fire to the palisades and mas-
sacre people,—some asleep, and others not spared time
enough to understand their position. Only three men
escaped’ to St. Louis, which was not far distant, to give
the alarm there.

Boston, but could not alter the de-
cision adopted by Plymouth. The
general court refused: Hazard, ii,
p. 188.

' The Troquois lost only ten in the
attack: Relation de la Nouvelle
France, 1649, p. 10. For the full
detaiis of the loss of St. Ignatius

and St. Louis, see Relation de la
Nouvelle France, 1649, p.17 ; Creux-
ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 5387;
Memoires sur les Vertus, etc., MS;
Gobat, Relatio Historica, p. 87; Bres-
sani, Breve Relatione, p. 107; Tan-
ner, Socictas Militans, p. 583; Gar.
nier, Lettres, MS,

other
thout
orgot
they
ard.
their
rious,
r own
tated,
epare
y per-
senti-
they
y and
; con-
r, faco
to die
Daniel
1s the

d Iro-
of St.
ny In-
ndred
lingly
| mas-
| time
3 men
> give

1 de la
Creux-
p. 537;
c., MS;
7; Bres-
7; Tan-
3; Gar-

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

The women and children immediately fled to the woods,' 1648.
and only eighty men remained, resolved to defend them- ~~
selves to the last, and who would have done better to
reserve themselves for a better opportunity. The town
was, indeed, pretty well intrenched, and the first ap-
proaches of the enemy, who came close on the three fugi-
tives, cost him dear. He was even twice repulsed ; but
under cover of a heavy fire of musketry, which brought
down the bravest of the besieged, a division of the Iro-
quois attacked a point in the palisade, and effecting a
breach, entered the intrenchment, leading on the whole
force. Then it became a massacre, and all the Hurons
were soon hors de combat.’

They had with them Fathers John de Brebeuf and Fathers de
Gabriel Lallemant, a nephew of Father Charles and aaa tale:
Jerome Lallemant, of whom we have spoken ; and they ™™*'*e
had been vnable to induce either of them to seek a place
of safety. Yet it would have been better had they sep-
arated, and Father de Brebeuf used his authority to
oblige his companions to follow those who fled; but the
recent example of Father Daniel, and the danger in which
a number of catechumens were of dying unbaptized, made
both believe that they should not leave them. They
accordingly took post, one at each extremity of the line of
attack, always in the most exposed spots, engaged solely
in baptizing the dying and encouraging the combatants to
have God only in view.

At last all the Hurons were killed or taken, and the two
missionaries were in the number of the latter. The vic-
tors then set fire to the cabins, and returned, with their
prisoners and all the booty, to St. Ignatius, where they

1To the number of over five hun- thirty Iroquois were killed and many
dred: Relation de la Nouv. France, wounded: Ib., p. 11. The flames of
1649, p. 11. St. Louis were distinctly seen by the

* St. Louis was but one league missionaries at St. Mary's, which
distant: Relation de la Nouvelle was only a league distant: Ib.;
France, 1649, p. 10. In the assault, Creuxins, Hist. Canadensis, p. 588,

2

—*—" retreat in case of repulse.

20

1649.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

had left their provisions and a rescrve corps to cover their
As the sound of these two
attacks had drawn a number of Huron warriors to the
ground, the next two days were spent in skirmishes, the
issue of which varied greatly, and especially near St.
Mary’s, which was only a league from St. Louis.

This was a pretty populous town, many Frenchmen
residing there with the missionaries, and a careful watch
being always kept. Nevertheless, two hundred Iroquois
approached on the 17th, to see what face they made ; but,
advancing somewhat too far, they fell into an ambuscade.
Many were killed, several taken, and the rest pursued to
St. Louis, where the main body was encamped. The
Hurons, ignorant of this, were in turn taken by surprise.
When they least expected it they found themselves con-
fronted by eight hundred men, and no means of escape
left. Yet they did not lose heart. They fought all day ;
and, in spite of the inequality of numbers, the advantage
was for a long time on the Huron side. But at last, spent

with weariness, unable to wield their arms, reduced to a
handful, and most of them wounded, they were all made

prisoners.

They were the bravest men of the nation,’ and great
was the consternation at St. Mary’s when their defeat
became known. Fears were even entertained that the
place could not resist an assault if the enemy attempted
it; and the whole of the ensuing day passed in anxiety
and alarm, the more founded, as the Iroquois were actu-
ally approaching. To avert the threatened misfortune
they had recourse to Heaven, and invoked St. Joseph,’

'The Hurons who sallied out
were Atinniaoenten or Bears, the
élite of the Christians of the towns
of the Conception and Magdalen.
Their skirmishers in front were
routed by the Iroquois, with loss ;
but they drove the Iroquois behind
the still standing palisade of St.

Louis and stormed it, taking thirty
prisoners. Here they intrenched,
and held it till all were killed or
taken. The Iroquois lost nearly one
hundred: Relation de la Nouvelle
France, 1649, p. 12; Gobat, Relatio
Historica, p. 79.
? Creuxius, Hist. Canad., p, 543.

their
two
» the
, the
» St.

men
ratch
juois

but,
sade.
1d to

The
rise.

con-
cape
day ;
itage
spent

to a
made

reat
efeat
i the
ipted
xiety
actu-
rtune
eph,”

thirty
nched,
led or
rly one
yuvelle
Relatio

648.

iy Nin =

HiyQllitela
hy Mi jute

ui! Wl dada
ith | ae

4, yi! ! hit

| iT ne ni

~—

TT wii if

FATHER JOHN

t

DE

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

whose festival occurred on the 1ollowing day.’ Nor wero
the vows of the afflicted suppliants unheard. On the
morning of the 19th tidings came that the Iroquois had
retreated in disorder, as though seized with a panic terror.
But the joy inspived by so sudden a retreat was, ere long,
changed into mourning, by the afilicting intelligence
received of the two missionaries who had been taken on
the 16th.

From St. Ignatius (to which, as aiready stated, they
were first conducted) they were led back to St. Louis,’ and
there received as prisoners of war usually are. They
spared them the less, inasmuch as their sentence was
passed, and it was resolved to carry them no further.
Father de Brebeuf, whom twenty years of toil well adapted
to stifle all natural sentiments; a mental character of a
firmness beyond proof; a virtue nurtured in the ever-

1 Relation de la N, F., 1849, p. 13;
Gobat, Relatio Historica, p. 88.

* There seems no authority for
this. Bressani (Breve Relatione, pp.
109, 110) and Creuxius (Historia Ca-
nadensis, p. 588) say they died at
St. Ignatius. Father Charles Gar-
nier, in a letter of April 25, 1649,
says the Iroquois took the mission-
aries to their fort, a league or so
from St. Louis. The bodies of the
missionaries were carried to St.
Mary’s by Francis Malherbe, after-
wards a Jesuit lay brother: Cotem-
porary Circular in Rapport sur les
Missions du Diocese de Quebec, No.
17, p. 583. They were buried on
Sunday, the 21st of March: Rela-
tion, 1649, p. 15; Gobat, Relatio
Historica, p. 114. Their remains
were subsequently removed to Que-
bec; and the head of Father Bre-
beuf, incased in a silver bust, is still

ful sketch of this bust, made by the
Rev. Felix Martin, 8. J. John de
Brebeuf—called by the Hurong
Echon—was born at Bayeux, in
Normandy, March 25, 1508, of a
noble family. He entered the So-
ciety of Jesus at Rouen, Oct. 5, 1617,
and was ordained in 1622. He came
to Canada June 19, 1625, and was
on the Huron mission from 1626 to
1629, from 1634 to 1641, and from
1641 to his death. He wrote a Hu-
ron catechism (published separately
and in Champlain), a Huron gram-
mar, two Relations, and letters pub-
lished in Carayon, Doc. Inédits, vol.
xii. For his life, see Alegambe, Tan-
ner, Societas Militans, p. 5383; Brea.
sani, Breve Relatione, p. 107; Rel.
de la Nouvelle France, 1649, p. 17;
Gobat, Relatio Historica, p. 128 ; also

a& manuscript of 1652, “Memoires

touchant les Vertus des Péres de

preserved at the Hotel Dieu in that
city, and doubtless a portrait, as it
is said to have been sent by his fam-
ily. The engraving is from a care-

Noue, Jogues, Daniel, Brebeuf, Lalle-
mant, Garnier, et Chabanel.” There
is an unpublished life by Father
Felix Martin.

1649,
—_——

Fathers de
Brebeuf
and Lalle-
mant are
burned,

222

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1649. proximate view of a cruel death, and carried so far as to
—Y— make it the object of his most ardent desires; warned,

moreover, by more than one heavenly token that his vows
were heard, laughed alike at their threats and the torture
itself: but the sight of his beloved neophytes, cruelly
treated before his eyes, shed deep bitterness over the joy
which he felt on seeing his hopes realized.’

His companion, who had but just entered the apostolic
career—to which he brought more courage than strength,
and who was of a sensitive and delicate constitution—was
especially, to his last sigh, a great subject of grief and
anxiety to Father de Brebeuf. The Iroquois knew well,
at once, that they had to deal with a man who would
not gratify them by the least exhibition of weakness ; and
as though fearful that he would impart his intrepidity
to others, they, after a time, separated him from the mass
of prisoners, made him ascend a scaffold alone, and fell
upon him in such a manner that they seemed beside them-
selves with rage and despair.

All this did not prevent the servant of God from speak-
ing in a loud voice—sometimes to the Hurons, who no
longer saw, though they heard him ; sometimes to his tor-
turers, whom he exhorted to fear the wrath of Heaven, if
they continued to persecute the adorers of the true God.
This liberty astonished the savages, and they were shocked
by it, accustomed as they were to endure the bravado of
their prisoners on similar occasions. They wished to
silence him, and failing, cut off his lower lip and the ex-
tremity of his nose, applied burning torches all over his
body, burnt his gums, and finally ran a red-hot iron down
his throat.’

The invincible missionary, seeing himself deprived of

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1649, pp. 14, 15; Creuxius, Historia
1649, p. 15; Memoire touchant les Canadensis, p. 539; Gobat, Relatio
vertus des Péres de Noue, etc., MS.; Historica, p. 108. But there is no
Gobat, Narratio Historica, p. 87. allusion to the hot iron being thrust
? Relation de la Nouvelle France, down his throat.

3 to
ned,
ows
ture
elly

joy

tolic
gth,
was
and
well,
ould
and
idity
Nass
l fell
1e6m-

eak-
Oo no
_ tor-
on, if
God.
cked
lo of
d to
3 OX-
r his
lown

ad of

listoria
Relatio
» is no
thrust

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

speech by this last stroke, maintained an assured counte-
nance, and so firm a look, that he still seemed to give the
law to his enemies. A moment after, his companion was
brought to him in a state capable of moving a heart like
his, as tender and compassionate for others’ ills as he was
insensible to his own. The young religious had been first
stripped naked, and then, after being tortured for a time,
had been wrapped from head to foot in fir-bark, to which
they now prepared to set fire.

As soon as he perceived the frightful condition to .;hich
Father de Brebeuf had been reduced, he shuddered, then
addressed him in the words of the apostle: “We have
been made a spectacle to the world, to angels and to men”
(1 Col. iv. 9). Father de Brebeuf replied by a gentle
inclination of the head; and at that moment Father Lal-
lemant, finding himself alone, ran to throw himself at his
feet, respectfully kissed his wounds, and conjured him to
redouble his prayers to the Almighty, in order to obtain
for him patience and faith, which, as he added with much
confusion, he saw every moment at the point of escaping
him. He was instantly seized again, and fire applied to
the bark with which he was covered.’

His executioners stopped for a time to enjoy the pleas-
ure of seeing him burn slowly, and hear the sighs and
groans which he could not help uttering. Then they left
him for a season to heat hatchets red-hot, and making
them into a collar, placed them on the neck of Father de
Brebeuf. But this new torture did not shake the holy
martyr’s constancy more than the others had done; and
as the savages sought some new torment, to endeavor to
crush a courage which maddened them, an apostate Huron
cried out to pour boiling water on the heads of the two

1 Both were enveloped in bark, mant do not appear in the Relations.
which was set on fire: Relation, The news of the death of Daniel,
1649, p. 14; Creusius, Historia Ca- Brebeuf, and Lalemant reached Que-
nadensis, pp. 539, 540. Some of the bec, July 20. 1649; Journal of the
details here given as to Father Lale- Superior.

224 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

1649. missionaries, in punishment for casting cold water on the

vw" heads of others, and thereby causing all the miseries of

his nation. The Iroquois relished the counsel. Water

was heated, and slowly poured over the heads of the two
confessors of Christ.

Meanwhile, the dense smoke which rose from the bark
in which Father Lallemant was wrapped filled his mouth,
and for a time he was unable to articulate a single word.
His bonds being consumed, he raised his hands to heaven,
to implore the help of Him who is the strength of the
weak ; but they beat his hands down again with heavy
blows of ropes. At last, when the two bodies were all one
wound, this spectacle, far from horrifying the Iroquois,
only put them in a good humor. They said to one an-
other that the flesh of the French must be good, and they
slashed off large slices from both and ate them. Then
adding mockery to cruelty, they said to Father de Bre-
beuf: “You assured us, but a moment since, that the
more we suffer on earth the more happy we shall be in
heaven. Out of friendship for you we study to inc’ «se
your sufferings, and you will be indebted to us for it,’

Some moments after they took off his scalp, and, as he
still breathed, a chief opened his side; and as the blood
welled copiously out, all the savages ran up to drink it,

Then the same one who laid him open, seeing the heart,
tore it out and devoured it.

Father de Rrebeuf was of the diocese of Bayeux, and
uncle to the translator of Lucan’s Pharsalia. He was of
commanding stature, and, notwithstanding his extreme
abstinence and twenty years of a most painful apostleship,
he was quite corpulent. His life was a constant heroism ;
his death, the astonishment of his very executioners.’

As soon as he had expired, Father Lallemant was
led back to the cabin where his martyrdom had com-

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, ? Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1649, p. 14. 1649, p. 25.

the
s of
‘ater

two

bark
uth,
yord,
wen,
' the
eavy
| one
uois,
an
they
Then
Bre-
t the
9e in

se

is he
nlood
ik it.

leart,

, and
as of
ireme
ship,
ism ;
2

; Was
com-

France,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

menced.' It is not even certain whether he remained near

2

5

1649.

Father de Brebeuf till the latter breathed his last sigh. He --~

had been brought there only to weaken his companion and
bend, if possible, that hero’s courage. It is, at least,
authentica'ed by the testimony of several Iroquois, who
were actors in that tragic scene, that Father de Brebeuf
died on the 16th, and was only three hours at the stake ;
while the torture of Father Lallemant lasted seventeen
hours, so that he died only on the 17th.

Be that as it may, as soon as he re-entered his cabin,
he received a hatchet-stroke under the left ear, which
clove open his skull and dashed out his brains. An eye
was then plucked out, and a burning coal put in its stead.

This is all that is known of what he underwent till he
expired— 2! who witnessed his death contenting them-
selves with saying that his executioners outdid each other
in cruelty. They added, that from time to time he uttered
shrieks capable of piercing the hardest hearts, and that
he sometimes seemed beside himself; but that he was
instantly seen to rise above pain, and offer his sufferings
to God with admirable fervor. Thus the flesh was often
weak, and ready to yield ; but the spirit was ever ready to
raise it up, and sustained it to the end.’

Father Lallemant was a native of Paris, where both his
father and grandfather had held the office of lieutenant-
criminel. He was extremely thin, and had only been six
months in New France. He died in his thirty-ninth
year."

'The Relation has nothing of and followed his uncles to Canada,
this. He arrived at Quebec, Sept. 20,

2 Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1646, but was on the Huron mission
1649 (p. 15), and Gobat (Relatio His- only from Aug. 6, 1648; Journal of
torica, pp. 106-12) say both eyes. Superior of Jesuits, July and August,
They describe the bodies as found, 1648. His Indian name was Ati-
which gave the best testimony of ronta. He signed his name both
the cruelties practised. Lalemant and Lalement, although

3 Father Gabricl Lalemant was the other members of the family
born Oct. 81, 1610. He entered the used the first form. That of Charle-
Society of Jesus, March 24, 1680, voix (Lallemant) has no authority.
Vou, Il.—15

Death of
Father
Gabriel

Lalemant,

226

1649.
—_——

Dispersion
of the
Hurons,

Most retire
to St. Jo-
seph’s Isl-

and,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

After such severe checks, the Hurons utterly despaired
of being able to hold their ground; and in less than a
week all the towns around St. Mary's were deserted.’ Of
most there remained only the site which they had oceu-
pied, the inhabitants having fired them as they retreated,
some to the forests, others to the neighboring tribes. As
those who remained at St. Mary’s durst not go out,
because they had no doubt but that the Iroquois still kept
the field, famine was soon felt in the town, and there was
no apparent means of a speedy remedy, This gave the
missionaries the idea of gathering the scattered remnants
of the nation in some quite remote spot, that they might
live exempt from fear of being disturbed there by an
enemy whom they were no longer in a position to resist.’

They proposed Manitouline Island, which lies north of
Lake Huron. This island is about forty leagues long from
east to west, but very narrow across. The shores abound
in fish; the soil in many places very good ; and as it was
not inhabited, it contained an immense quantity of deer.
Still the missionaries’ proposition was not received, for
the Hurons could not bring themselves to so distant an
exile from their country, which they were loth to abandon,
though without courage to defend; and the missionaries
were obliged to yield to their wishes and follow them to
St. Joseph’s Island, which is but a short distance from
the mainland where they were.’

This transmigration took place on the 25th of May ;* and
in a short time there rose on this little island a town of a
hundred cabins—some of eight, others of ten, fires—with-
out counting a very great number of families scattered in

'St. Mary’s was situated on the
River Wye, near Penetanguishene ;
Martin’s Bressani, p. 90.

? Bressani, Breve Relatione, p.

22; Relation 4e la Nouvelle France,
1649, p. 25 ; Gobat, Rel. Hist., p. 199.

3 Relation de la Nouvelle France,

1649, p. 27; Creuxius, Historia Ca-

20;

nadensis, p. 557; Gobat, Relatio
Historica, p. 1138, Chaumonot, in
his letter of June 1, 1649, gives the
Indian name, AhXendoe. According
to Rev. }’. Mariin, it is the present
Charity or Christian Island, near
Penetanguishene,

4May 15; Rel. de N. F., 1649, p. 30.

nired
an a
Of
ecu
ated,
As
out,
kept
e was
e the
nants
might
yy an
sist.”
rth of
x from
bound
it was
' deer.
d, for
ant an
ndon,
ynaries
hem to
h from

; and
In of a
with-
red in

Relatio
onot, in
Fives the
ecording

present

d, near

49, p. 30.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

the neighborhood and along the shore, for greater ease in
hunting and fishing." The summer wore away peacefully
enovgh ; fervor grew up amid this transplanted Christian
flock ; and the missionaries had the consolatiou of baptiz-
ing as many as three thousand idolaters, But as they
planted little or nothing, as the fishery was unproductive,
and the resources of the chase soon exhausted, they had
not gone far into the autumn before provisions began to fail.
They were soon after reduced to extremities which horrify
us. It is enough to mention that they were driven to dis-
inter half-decayed bodies, to devour them; that mothers
ate the babes that starved to death on their breasts ; and
children did not shrink from feeding on the bodies of
those to whom they owed their being.’

A famine, productive of such terrible scenes, could not
but entail great diseases. In fact, maladies broke out of
a contagious character, and the more destructive among
people who cannut control themselves sufficiently to avoid
contagion. But it was amid this very desolation that the
evangelical laborers gathered the most precious fruits of
their labors. All these scourges and horrors of death
ever before their eyes, found among the Christians only
submissive hearts. ‘There was not one of these neophytes
who wavered the least in the most perfect resignation to
the orders of Heaven—who did not kiss with respect,
and even with thanksgiving, the hand that smote him.’

These are the virtues to which the Indians are most
inclined by their calm and patient character. Their natu-
ral sloth and indolence dim somewhat the lustre, and they

1On leaving St. Mary's, June 14, ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 560;
1649 (Relation, 1650, p. 8), the mis- Bressani, Breve Relatione, p, 124.
sionaries set fire to all theirimission- For an account of the sufferings,
buildings, totally destroying the see also Chaumonot, Autobiogra-
fruit of their long labors of nine or phie, pp. 62-4.
ten years: Creuxius, Historia Cana- 8 Relation, 1650, p. 4; Bressani,
densis, p. 557; Relation de la Nou- Breve Relatione, p. 125; Carayon,
velle France, 1649, p. 80; 1650, p.2. Documents Inédits, xii, p. 249;

? Relation, 1650, p. 4; Carayon, Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p.
Documents Inédits, p. 248; Creux- 561.

227

1649,
—_——

Their for-
vor,

228

1649.
_—_o—

Rashnexs of

the Hvrons
of St. “ohn.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

are perhaps the only Christians to whom it could be said,
“ Do for self-preservation what you are doing for the sal-
vation of your souls.” Yet it is somewhat marvellous to
see men, just fresh from their old prejudices against Chris-
tianity, not relapsing into them on an occasion so apt to
throw them back; and their faith must have been solid
indeed to stand unshaken amid so many disasters, which
the enemies of the gospel never failed to ascribe to its
introduction.

To crown their misfortunes, it was heard that threo
hundred Iroquois were in the field; and as it was pct
known in which direction they would turn their arms, the
sachems of the nation sent in all directions to warn the
people to be on their guard. This advice especially
regarded the Tionnontatez Hurons,’ who, after the evacu-
ation of St. Mary’s, were most exposed to the incursions
of the enemy. Their canton was one of the most popu-
lous, the single town which bore the name of St. John
containing more than six hundred families. The enter-
prise of the three hundred Iroquois was there regarded as
a bravado; and to show that they did not fear them,
all who could carry arms took the field in search of them.

The enemy, soon informed of this imprudent step, re-
solved to take advantage of it. Adopting a false route,
they advanced by a circuitous march, and arrived in sight
of St. John’s at daybreak.’ Father Charles Garnier and
Father Natalis Chabanel had for some time directed a

1 This tribe, the Tionontates—or, sani, Breve Relatione, p. 6. They
as our early writers give it, Dinon- raised and sold tobacco, whence the
dadies—were not called Hurons by French called them Petuns or Petu-
theearly French. Sagard, in his Dic neux. Their two towns were, Ekaren-
tionary (verbo Nations) gives them niondi or St. Mathias, and Oharita or
asa distinct nation, “Les Petuneux, St. John the Evangelist: Letter of
Quieunontatéronons.” See also His- Father C. Garnier, Aug. 15, 1648.
toire du Canada, p. 209. Their 2 Creuxius (Historia Canadensis,
country lay iv the mountains (Quiew- p. 564) says that the attack was
nontoute means mountain), on the made towards evening. Bressani
suores of Lake Huron, thirty-five or (Breve Relatione, p, 114) and the
forty miles from St. Mary’s: Bres- Relation de la Nouvelle France,

said,
e sal-
us to
Chris-
upt to
solid
which
to its

threo
as Dot
is, the
m the
ecially
evacu-
Irsions
popu-
_ John
enter-
ded as
them,
‘them.
ep, re-
route,
1 sight
er and
cted a
3. They
ence the
or Petu-
, Ekaren-
harita or
Letter of
1648.
nadengis,
ack was
Bressani
and the
France,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE. 229

numerous Christian congregation there; but two days 1649.
before, the latter had been called elsewhere, and Father —~—
Garnier remained alone. He was actually visiting the Their town
cabins, when the Iroquois raised the warwhoop. Seeing Ty tiedie:
at a glance that all was lost, he first ran to the chapel, 9"
which he found full of panic-stricken Christians. He told

these that there was no safety except in flight. He ex-

horted them to lose no time in bootless deliberation or
unavailing tears. He said that he would himself go and

die to facilitate their escape, and that as long as he had a

breath of life he would not abandon those who should

need his ministry; and he begged them never to forget

the lessons he had given them.’

He immediately went out and returned to the cabins, Heroic
some of which were already on fire. He baptized all the Pathor Gar
catechumens whom he met, and at last reached the open"
square, where naught but dead and wounded were to be
seen. Some implored him to retire, but this counsel he
utterly rejected. He remained amid the carnage, animat-
ing his beloved neophytes by his presence and words to
die well. The Iroquois seemed for a time to admire and
respect him ; but at last one of the savages discharged his
musket at him. One ball entered the lower part of his
chest ; the other, grazing the belly, sank into his thigh.

He at once fell senseless, and his murderer, believing
him dead, stripped him. Recovering some time after, and
hearing no one near, he raised his head ; and perceiving,
some ten paces from him, a Huron who was breathing his
last, he made an effort to rise and go to absolve him, but
he fell instantly. Again he rose, but he was unable to
take a step; and at that moment an Iroquois ran up, who
twice sank his tomahawk into his vitals, and he expired
on the spot, in the act, and, so to say, on the very bosom,
of charity.’

1650 (p. 8) make the error of the Pe- Creuxius, Hist. Canad., p. 564; Breg-
tuns to have been in not waiting. sani, Breve Relatione, p. 114.
' Relation de la N. F., 1650, p. 9; * Relation de la Nouvelle France,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1649. Father Garnier was a native of Paris, and to enter the
—Y— apostolic career had sacrificed a brilliant fortune, resisting
Death of the tears of his family, who loved him tenderly. He made
Ghitee, this sacrifice too generously not to merit from God the

grace of consummating it in the most heroic manner.’
Father Chabanel had been, as we have seen, recalled
from St. John’s two days before the desolation of that
town, the motive of his recall being that the Superior did
not wish to have two missionaries at the same time in a
place so exposed as that to the inroads of the Iroquois.
But they were both equally ripe for heaven ; and if one,
by obedience, escaped the steel of the Iroquois, this very
obedience obtained for him death in another form, which,
while it possessed less lustre in the eyes of men, was per-
haps none tho less precious before Him who judges accord-
ing to the dispozitions of our heart, and who accounts no
less what we have desired to do for his sake than what we

really accomplish and suffer.

Father Chabanel left St. John’s on the 5th or 6th of
December, accompanied by some Christians. The night
that followed Father Garnier’s death surprised them in a
wood ; and all his fellow-travellers having fallen asleep,
he heard the yells of Iroquois and the death-song of
Huron prisoners. He awakened his party, who needed no
second counsel to escape. He attempted to follow them,
but not being as fleet of foot, soon lost sight of them; and
from that time it was never known absolutely what
became of him. Some time after, a Huron apostate said
that he had met him on the bank of a river, which he
helped him to cross, and that they then parted ;* but there
were subsequently many grounds for suspecting the wretch

1650, p. 9; Creuxius, Historia Cana-
densis, p. 565; Carayon, Doc. Inéd.,
xii, p. 248; Memoires, ete., p. 247.

1 Father Charles Garnier was born
at Paris, in 1605, of a distinguisied
and eminently pious famil:’, several

of the members having entered re-
ligious orders. After a holy youth,
he entered the Society of Jesus,
Sept. 5, 1624, and throughout his
jifte seems to have impressed alike
the cultivated white man and the

r the
sting
mace
1 the

valled
that
r did

in a
{uois.
' one,
; very
rhich,
} per-
cord-
ts no
at we

6th of
night
.ina
sleep,
ng of
ed no
them,
3 and

what
e said
ich he
, there
vretch

ered re-
y youth,
’ Jesus,
out his
od alike
and the

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

of mere hatred to religion.’

While the Iroquois were thus desolating the Huron
church, a new storm, excited by Hurons themselves, had
well-nigh swept away the remaining pastors, and with
them all hope of any restoration of Christianity. Idolaters
of that nation, which still formed the majority in a town
to which the missionaries had given the name of St.
Matthew, concluding that the only means of putting an
end to their misfortunes was to rid themselves of the
preachers of the gospel, resolved on the step. The better
to carry out their design, they undertook to bring Chris-
tians into it, and with this view declared that they had
seen belts, sent by the governor-general of the French to
the Iroquois cantons, to urge them to drive the Hurons to
extremity—assuring them that the missionaries who were
among them would deliver the Hurons up into their
hands.’

After what had occurred, the calumny had not even a
show of probability. But is this always required of

ee

untutored Indian with a sense of 1 This missionary was, as subse-
his more than ordinary holiness. quently proved, killed by Louis
After his arrival in Canada, in 1636, Honareenhax, a Huron apostate :
he was at once sent to Upper Cana- Ragueneau, Memoires sur les Ver-
da, and spent all the rest of his life tus, ete. Father Natalis Chabanel
on the Huron mission, entirely dis was a native of the south of France,
engaged from earthly things, and born in 1613. He entered the So-
devoted to his great work: Creux- ciety of Jesus at the age of seven-
ius, Historia Canadensis, pp. 567-78; teen. He was sent to Canada in

of having killed him, either to secure his effects, or out

Bressani, Breve Relatione, p. 114;
Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1650, pp. 9-15; Tanner, Socictas
Militans, p. 539; Memoires sur les
Vertus, MS. ; Lettres Inédites du P.
Charles Garnier, MS.; Alegambe,
Heroes, p. 659; Drews’ Fasti, iv., p.
295 ; Chaumonot, Autobiographie ;
Eulogium P. C, Garnier, 1649, MBS. ;
Ragueneau, Vie de la M. Catherine
de St. Augustin, p. 54, His Indian
name was Curacha.

16438, and labored among Hurons and
Algonquins—overcoming an intense
repugnance to the Indians and their
life: Relation de la Nouv. France,
1650, p. 16; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
nadensis, pp. 573-8; Bressani, Breve
Relatione, p. 115 ; Martin’s edition,
p. 275; Ragueneau, Vie de la M.
Catherine de St. Augustin, p. 54.

® Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1650, p. 19; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
nadensis, p. 580.

231

1649.
‘ —_~—

Some Hu-
rons con-
Spire
against the
mission-
aries,

1650,

232 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1650. calumniators before crediting their words? And have
——” the most polished nations a right to reproach savages on
this point? There is, then, no very great reason to
wonder that these words made an impression on people
who no longer knew to what to ascribe the misfortunes
that overwhelmed them. Moreover, those who circulated
ths reports took care to cloak their design with a coloring
of zeal for the public good; and in fact, they asked of

those whom they seduced only not to oppose them.
The firm A few days after, two missionaries' arrived at St.
of the Fa- Matthew, and on entering the village were much surprised
sgoncerts to hear the cries usually made when prisoners were
sures, brought in. They kept, however, an unmoved counte-
nance, ana * one durst lay hands on them. The conspira-
tors contented themselves with hooting, which the mis-
sionaries despised. They visited all the cabins, and heard
all that had been said about them. They saw the great-
ness of the peril in which they were, but betrayed no
alarm. This assurance, and the conviction felt by many
that the God of the Christians had bound the hands of
their enemies, opened the eyes of the most prejudiced,
and before the close of the day no less than seventeen

sought baptism.’

aed AM Be From time to time, Heaven gave striking manifestations
of Provi- of visible protection over the pastors and their flocks. A
behalf of Huron, taken in battle, was on the point of being bound
Christians. +) the stake, to be burned. He fervently asked God to be
delivered from that terrible form of death, and his prayer
was instantly heard. He was unbound, and his life
spared, to the great astonishment of all. Even those
who spared him could not explain why they had done so.’
A good old woman of St. Joseph’s Island—who, of all

the prayers that they had endeavored to teach her, had

1 Father Leonard Garreau and Fa- 2 Relation, 1650, p.20. The seven-
ther Adrian Grelon. The latter sub- teen were not baptized the first day.
sequently, in China, met one of his The missionarics were not so rapid.
old Huron flock ; Journal, p. 30. 5 Peter Outouré ; Rel., 1650, p. 21.

ound
to be
rayer
, life
those
3 80."
of all
, had

seven-
st day.
rapid.

»p. 21.

NISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

been able to retain only these words, “ Jesus, have mercy

233

1650,

on me’’—-while sailing on Lake Huror, was overtaken by ~~

such intense cold, that all who accompanied her died.
She said her ordinary prayer with all the fervor of her
heart ; and she afterwards declared, that every time she
repeated it, a sensible warmth animated her, which lasted
till relief came. If this result is not attributed to a
miracle, we must recognize in it a fervor of mind strong
enough to act on the senses, which is one of the great
marvels of grace.’

Famine, and sickness, its inevitable sequent, had driven

New mis-

fortunes of

this woman and many others, persons ui every age and the Hurons,

sex, to leave St. Joseph’s Isle in midwinter. They sup-
posed the ice strong enough to bear them ; but it broke
under them, drowning many, while others perished of
cold. Several other bands took refuge in out-of-the-way
places, where they thought they would be secure against
the pursuit of the Iroquois ; but these savages discovered
their retreat, and committed a fearful carnage among
those wretched people, who, happily for them, had not
left their island without putting in order the affairs of
their conscience."

Those who remained at St. Joseph’s, not amounting to
three hundred in number, learning the sad fate of their
brethren, had no doubt but that the Iroquois would attack
them without delay ; and after holding many councils on
their best course to adopt in order to avoid the same fate,
they came to this conclusion. The most important men
went to Father Ragueneau, who then governed the mis-
sion, and told him that in the deplorable state to which
they were reduced they could see but one single means ¢
preventing the total ruin of their nation.‘ This was, that

1 Jesous taitenr. p. 579 ; Ragueneau, Letter of March
* Relation de la Nouvelle France, 13, 1650, in Carayon, xii., p. 252.
1650, p. 23. 4 Relation de la N. F., 1650, p. 24;

3 Relation de la Nouvelle France, Bressani, Breve Relatione, p. 125;
1650, p. 24; Creuxius, Hist. Canad. Creuxius, Hist, Canadensis, p. 584.

Many de-
seend to
Quebee.

234 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1650. the Fathers should put themselves at their head, unite all
—Y~~” the dispersed Hurons who could be got together, and lead
Emigrate to them to Quebec, where, under the protection of the French
ee fort, and of their father, Ononthio, they could peacefully
cultivate the lands that might be assigned to them, and
where they would only think of employing in God’s service

the days that were spared to them.’

Before replying, Father Ragueneau wished to consult
the other missionaries who were in the neighborhood, and
all agreed with the Indians. This seemed, in fact, the
only resource left to this ill-starred people. All the coun-

} try was in the utmost consternation. Nothing was to be
seen but towns destroyed or abandoned, already begin-
ing to swarm with wild beasts, whose place in the forests
and mountains the men, women, and children had gone to
occupy. There was not, indeed, a moment to lose, if they
wished to save the sad remnants of a nation once so flour-
ishing.’

They accordingly began their march’ without further
deliberation, and without very well knowing how to live
by the way ; but famine stared them equally in the face if
they remained in the island or the woods. The danger,
too, of falling into the hands of some Iroquois party was
equally great ; for it is true that the smallest force of war-
riors would have sufficed to cut to pieces all this confused
multitude, panic-stricken and reduced, by hardships and
disease, to extreme weakness. They chose the route by
the great river of the Outouais ; and although fresh trails
of Iroquois were met day by day,‘ they were so fortunate
as to escape being discovered by those savages. About

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1650, p. 24; Creuxius, Historia Ca- June 10, 1650—Pregsani (Breve Re-
nadensis, p. 585; Bressani, Breve latione) says,in May. They reached
Relatione?p. 126. Quebec, July 28, 1650: Relation de
* Relation de la Nouvelle France, la Nouvelle France, 1650, p. 28.
1650, p. 25; Creuxius, Historia Ca- 4The country was almost a des-
uadensis, p. 586. ert: Relation, 1650, p. 26.

ite all
d lead
“yench
cefully
m, and
service

onsult
d, and
ct, the
» coun-
, to be
begin-
forests
one to
if they
) flour-

further
to live
face if
langer,
‘ty was
of war-
nfused
ps and
ute by
1 trails
rtunate
About
, who,

Island,
reve Re-
r reached
lation de
. 28.

st a des-

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

having wintered at Quebec, was returning, pretty well

235

1650.

attended, to his old mission, utterly unconscious of its

fate.’

He had been escorted for some distance by forty
Frenchmen, but a few days after the departure of tha
escort, had been surprised at night by ten Iroquois.
Atironta, a famous Huron chief, a brave man and a good
Christian, was killed on the spot, and the’ missionary
received three arrow wounds while he was running around
to rouse his party ; but the Iroquois having been tardy in
effecting their retreat, were at once surrounded, six of
them killed, two taken, and two escaped. The Hurons,
who lost seven of their party, continued their march,
mortified to have been thus surprised by a handful of ad-
venturers.”

Death of
Atironta,

They were still more alarmed when they learned the How they

desolation of the country. They saw that their best
course was to retrace their steps with the other party,
and so they did. They all arrived together at Montreal,
where nothing was forgotten to retain them ; but they did
not deem themselves secure enough there, and, after two
days’ rest. re-embarked, and reached Quebec on the 28th
of July, 1650. Mr. d’Aillebout gave them a cordial wel-
come ; but there were so few persons of means in the
colony, that after the communities and some of the chief
men of the town had undertaken to support a number of
families, in proportion to their ability, there remained
more than two hundred souls, with no resource but Provi-
dence. Nor did Providence fail them. They subsisted,
for a long time, without its being possible to conceive what
enabled them to subsist.’

26; Crenxius, Hist. Canad., p. 588;

1650, p. 27; Creuxius, Hist. Canad., Belmont, Histoire du Canada. p. 5.
p. 587; Ragueneau, Vie de la M. * Relation de la Nouvelle France,
Catherine de St Augustin, p. 54. 1650, p. 28; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
* The escort did not leave Bres- nadensis, p. 589; Juchereau, His-
sani: Martin’s Bressani, p.43; Rela- toire de l'Hotel Dieu, p. 79; Les Ur-
tion de la Nouvelle France, 1650, p. sulines de Quebec, i, p. 148.

were re-
ceived,

236

1650,

—~— abandon their native land was very sad.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

themselves to
Some threw

The fate of those who could not bring

The fate of themselves into the hands of neighboring nations, on

the rest,

whom they soon drew the arms of the Iroquois.’ Others
went towards the English, and settled in what is now
called Pennsylvani:.? A large party, drawn by the Iro-
quois ins) i1 6% \useade, under pretext of treating with
them, de: 9 perfidy of those savages, met strata-
gem by a which succeeded. They surprised
those who exj.cied te |e them by surprise, killed many,
then went and encamped cn Manitoualin Island, whence,
soon after, they descended to Quebec, to join their coun-
trymen.*

Almost all the inhabitants of the two towns of St.
Michael and St. John the Baptist took a very perilous
course, which was, nevertheless, attended with success.
They voluntarily presented themselves to the Iroquois,
offered to live with them, and were well received.‘ At last
the enemy, knowing that many were wandering up and
down, unable to settle anywhere, set the young men after
them. Almost all were taken. No quarter was given.
And to show how far the terror of the Iroquois name
had seized all the nation, not only the Huron country,
but also the whole course of the Ottawa River, which
had been so thickly peopled a few years before, were
almost entirely deserted, without its being possible to
say what had become of most of the people.’

At least the Hurons who had taken refuge at Quebec
would, it was hoped, be beyond the reach of the miseries

1 These were the Attiwandaronk
or Neuters: Creuxius, p. 589; Re-
lation de la Nouv. France, 1651, p. 4.

? Among the Susquehannas or An-
dastes, later known as Conestogas :
Creuxius, p. 590; Relation de la
Nouvelle France, 1651, p. 4.

3'This party was led by Stephen
Annaotaha: Relation de la Nouvelle

France, 1651, p. 5; Creuxius, Histo-
ria Canadensis, p. 590.

4 Relation, 1651, p. 4; Creuxius,
Hist. Canad., p. 590. These formed
the nation. Their town, in the Sen-
eca country, was Gandougarae,

5 Relation, 1651, p.5. The Nipis-
sings were nearly destroyed: Rela-
tion, 1650, p. 26.

lves to
threw
ns, on
Others
is now
1e Tro-
ig with
strata-
rprised
many,
vhence,
r coun-

of St.
erilous
sUCLESS.
oquois,
At last
up and
yn after
given.
3 name
ountry,
which
p, were
ible to

Quebec
niseries

us, Histo-

Creuxius,
se formed
1 the Sen-
urae,

he Nipis-
ed: Rela-

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

237

which overwhelmed the others. Nothing was apparently 1650-1,
easier than to put them in a condition to have the neces- —~—
The Hu-

sities of life without becoming a burden to the colony,
which might in time have drawn some advantage from
them ; and Father Jerome Lallemant, the superior-general
of the missions, went to France! expressly to consult the
directors of the Canada Company in regard to their case,
He warmly represented the importance of not allowing so
many Christians to perish, after they had thrown them-
selves into our bosom ; the facility of providing for their
support; and the advantage to be derived, both for the
increase of trade and the defence of the colony.

He spoke in vain. None listened. The consequence
was that, as we shall soon see, the French colony fell into
such contempt, that for several years the Iroquois acquireu
the same ascendency over them that we had allowed them
to assume over our allies. The latter, cn their side, acte
badly. A vertigo seemed to seize these Indians, Ne
sooner were they beneath the guns of Quebec than they
passed at a bound from the depths of discouragement to
the height of presumption. They thought themselves
now invincible ; and although they had very few warriors
among them, they proposed nothing less than retaliating
on the Iroquois all the injury they had received.

They induced the inhabitants of Sylleri to join them,
and formed a war-party, before which they imagined the
Five Cantons would never stand.? The Algonquins of
Three Rivers, and some Hurons who happened to be at
the same place, also swelled the force. This army
marched against the Mohawks; and as they were all
Christians, they gave their expedition the air of a crusade
by announcing that they took up arms only to force the
implacable enemy of Christianity to retire from the lands

1 Lalemant sailed, Noy. 2, 1650, on * Exagverated. See Relation de
the Chasseur, with Bressaniandsome la N. F., 1650, p. 80. It was an Al-
brothers : Raguencau, Journal, Nov, gonquin war-party, under John Ou-
2, 1650; Relation, 1650, p. 48. tagouainou.

rons.

238 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

1650-1. of tho faithful, and thus enable the missionaries to make
—yr—" true retigion flourish.
Disastrous As they approached the village where they resolved to
expedition, 2 °
inwhich’ make their first attack, a Huron and an Algonquin were
Christians detached as scouts. They separated, and the Huron fall-
pers"* ing into the hands of an Iroquois party, without hesita-
tion betrayed his faith, his nation, and his allies, to save
his life. “ Brethron,” said he, on approaching the enemy,
“T have long sought some of you. I set out for my
country, where I know the Iroquois and Hurons are now
only one people, and have only one land. ‘To travel more
securely I joined an Algonquin party, which I met on the
war-path against you. I left it, two days ago, to warn
you to be on your guard.”

The traitor did more. He acted as guide to the Mo-
hawks, who, advancing on the Christians, found them all
asleep. They woke, indeed, only at a volley of musketry ;
and as the enemy had time and opportunity to choose
where to strike, the bravest of the allies lay dead on the
spot, before any of the party had time to fly to arms. Yet

many fought bravely, and under cover of their resistance
a considerable number escaped in the woods, All the
rest were killed or taken and burnt at the stake, except
two, who escaped, and brought in all the details of this
sad adventure.’

Account of All the other captives honored their religion, in defence

aie Haris of which they had taken up arms; but the most dis-
by tho Iro- ,. P F

quois, tinguished among them was a young Algonquin, Joseph

Onoharé.* He had been brought up almost from child-

hood at Sylleri, and although naturally of a hard and

haughty disposition, grace and education had entirely

corrected the defect, and he attained a degree of perfec-

tion uncommon in the very heart of Christendom. A year

before his death an event befell him which deeply im-

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, apparently Louis Skandarhietse :
1650, p. 80; Creuxius, Historia Ca- Lalemant, Journal, June 15, 1650.
nadensis, p. 593. The traitor was ? Onahare.

make

‘ed to
1 were
n fall-
1esita-
) save
nemy,
or my
© now
1 more
on the
) warn

6 Mo-
em all
sketry ;
choose
on the
3. Yet
istance
(ll the
except
of this

lefence
st dis-
Joseph
1 child-
rd and
mntirely
perfec-
A year
ply im-
larhietse :
5, 1650.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

pressed those who witnessed it. He had joined a war-

239

1650-1,

party, under a renowned chief—an idolater, however, end "~~

very superstitious—who would not take the field without
consulting his manitou. Onoharé in vain employed every
effort to divert him. The chief called a medicine-man,
who put up his sweating-cabin, and had no sooner entered
it than it began to shake in the most surprising manner,
The man—to whom, even, the thing appeared most
extraordinary—proceeded, notwithstanding, to utter his
usual cries and howls; but some time after he suddenly
changed his tone, and calling to Onoharé, who was not
far off, assailed him with furious threats. The noble
Christian at once approached, and, convinced that it was
the devil who spoke by the mouth of his minister, ex-
claimed: “I adore Him who, out of nothing, created
heaven and earth. He is my Sovereign Lord and yours;
and in spite of yourself you are compelled to acknowledge
Him as such, even as I do.” While still speaking, al-
though there was no one near him, he felt himself struck
so violently on the side that he almost lost breath and
movement. Three days after, still feeling great pain, he
fervently implored God to restore him. His prayer was
heard, and he set out on the war-path with the rest.’
During the march another Indian, who had apparently
had a bad dream, came to him one morning in great
excitement, and told him that he was very sorry he had
started on that expedition with him—that his obstinate
refusal to consult the spirits would inevitably draw down
some reverse on the party. The fervent Christian took
pity on the blindness of this man, and endeavored to dis-
abuse him of his errors. While they were speaking, they
perceived two Iroquois, and rushed upon them. Onoharé
overtook one and killed him at a single blow. The other
escaped. The young Christian then returned to his com-
rade, who had not made any very earnest endeavor to

) Relation de la N. F., 1650, pp. 31, 82; Creuxius, Hist. Canad., p. 596.

Joseph
Onoharéd,

240

1650-1,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

reach the enemy, and told him that his manitou had

—y—" doubtless warned him against any undue exposure of his

Joseph
Onobaréd,

Fervor of
the Chris-
tians,

person, ‘ Know, then, once for all,” he added, “that a
Christian who is faithful to his God fears nothing, and
that your demons can render no assistance to those who
invoke them.”

It was in the closing act of this neophyte’s life that he
appeared the greatest. He had prepared for it by a gen-
eral confession and frequent communions. From the out-
set of the expedition in which he was taken, he had a
presentiment that he would never return; and as it was
to battle against the enemies of God, he consoled himself
with the hope of martyrdom. Tilled with this idea, his
joy increased at the thought of the sufferings he might
have to undergo; nor was he wanting to himself in the
midst of his tortures. He constantly exhorted his com-
panion to patience ; and his executioners wishing to silence
him, he boldly toll them that it was not in their power
to prevent his publishing the praises of his God and
laboring for His glory. This reply roused them to fury ;
but in vain did they devise the most unheard-of tortures
to force him to silence. They could not shake his courage
or extort a sigh. He ceased to bless the Almighty only
when he ceased to live.’

This great defeat, and many other less important
checks which followed in quick succession, caused inex-
pressible grief to the missionaries and those who took an
interest in the progress of the gospel and the advance-
ment of the colony; but what somewhat consoled the
former was, that the relatives and friends of those who
fell in that engagement were moved by no mere affections
of flesh and blood in the regret which they showed for
their Joss, but displayed only sentiments worthy of their
religion. No murmur was heard among them against the
Providence of a God who indeed put their faith and virtue

1 Relation de la N. F., 1650, p. 88; Creuxius, Hist. Canad., p. 598.

had
his
at a
and
who

t ho
gen-
out-
id a
was
nself
, his
light
| the
com-
lence
ower
and
‘ury ;
tures
rage
only

rtant
inex-
yk an
ance-
1 the
. who
tions
xd. for
their
t the
virtue

98.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE, 241

to a severe test, but who showed Himself no less power- 1650-1,
ful, or less a Father, by inspiring them with a heroic =~"
resignation.’

These reflections, made by the infidels themselves, con-
verted many. The most stiff-necked, in the very midst of
their invectives, felt suddenly changed in a manner which
astonished them; and the Iroquois had, during a whole
year, an example of that great power of grace which
several of them could not but recognize. They had
among their prisoners a blind young Algonquin squaw ;
and although she was utterly incapable of rendering them -
any service, they let her live, without well knowing why.

A Christian, well instructed in her religion, she had the
courage to assume among her conquerors the oftice of
catechist ; and God wrought many conversions by her
ministry. Some of these excited great attention, and
exasperated the sachems of the villago against her. She
was not insensible to the danger to which her zeal
exposed her, but nothing could diminish its fervor. She
was seriously warned to be cautious in her proceedings ;

threats were made against her, and she had every reason
to fear their being carried into effect. Nothing, however,
deterred her; and God, whom she served with so much
courage, continued to protect her in a manner incompre-
hensible to those who, able to crush her by a word,
never dared to attempt her life or cause her the least
uneasiness.’

This was attested then by all who lived in New France
or made any stay there, and we have even seen witnesses
of it who could not be suspected of exaggeration. I have,
perhaps, dwelt a little more on these detuils than will
please some who will read this history ; but I have deemed
it necess#ry, in order to give a just idea of this Indian

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, * Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1650, p. 83; Creuxius, Historia Ca- 1650, p. 86; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
nadensis, p. 599. nadensis, p. 599.

Vou. I]. —16

242 HISTORY CF NEW FRANCE.

1650-1. church, some writers, who saw it only in its decline, having

—Y— endeavored to dim its lustre.’ Whatever may have been
their motives—and I leave the judgment to Him who
alone has the power and right to sound the heart—what
credit can be given to the authority of men who have had
no other proofs for treating as false what occurred far
from them, or before their day, than the fact that they
were not witnesses ?

The brandy At the time of which I speak, fervor was still every-

trade be- . °
ginsto Where very great, and told of the persecuticn and adver-

cause disor- + : . _
ders in. Sity which are almost always its attendants. Yet there

some M1s-
sions,

began to be some disorders among the Christians who fre-
quented Tadoussac ; and, to the shame of the Kuropeans,
it was they who gave occasion to the disgrace, while say-

ages, scarcely baptized, used every exertion to arrest it.

This was especially intoxication, for which the Indians

have a tendency, which they did not know before they had

means to gratify it, and of which they can seareely be
said to be masters when they have begun to form the
habit.

The heads of the colony had too much religion and zeal
not to oppose a trade which served as a bait to vico and

fomented it; nor were they suspected, as some of their

successors have been, of desiring to swell their incomes et

the expense of religion and order. But at Tadoussac

there were only missionaries without commandants, be-

cause we had never had a permanent settlement there ;

and whatever influence these religious derived from their

character, their virtue, and the orders of the governor-
general, they felt daily how feeble a rein an unarmed

authority is against certain passions, and that the interest
of religion is a motive almost incapable of touching hearts

ruled by cupidity.’

' Charlevoix alludes, probably, to toire de l'Amérique Septentrionale,
Le Clereg, Etablissement de la Foi, i, p. 308.

i, p. 5883; La Hontan, vol. i, p. 2L ? Relation de la Nouvelle France,
and preface; De la Potherie, His- 1650, p. 40. The missionarics strug:

avin g :
. been
1 who
~what
o had
od far
; they

every-
adver-
there
10 fre-
peans,
le sav-
‘est it.
ndians
py had
ely be
m the

id zeal
co and
. their
mes ot
oussac
ts, be-
there ;
1 their
rernor-
armed
nterest
hearts

trionale,

France,
bs strug:

TN Sa Ce

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

The evil, in a short time, made such progress that the
Indian chiefs earnestly besought Mr. d’Aillebotit to build
a prison, to confine those who, by their scandals, would
trouble the piety of their brethren.’ Besides the Mon-
tagnoz, who were the native inhabitants of the neighbor-
hood of Tadoussae, there were also often seen, at this
saine post, Bersiamites, Papinachois, and Oumamioucks.’
Among all these were Christians who were indebted for
tho first knowledge of the true God to Indian converts,
and whose instruction had been completed at Tadoussae,
where the missionaries never failed to be at the trading
season.

Things were, in every respect, on a better footing at
Three Rivers, where there was a vigilant and zealous gov-
ernor, Mr. Duplessis Bochare; where the Jesuits had a
house; and where several northern nations came down
for the fur-trade. They were especially attracted by the
Attikamegues, and the great examples of virtue of this
good people prepared their hearts for the impressions of
grace, A certain number were baptized every year, and
these neophytes did not deem themselves truly Christians
till they had made conquests for Christ. Moreover, they
saw nothing in the conduct of the French that did not
tend to edify, The preceding winter Father Dreuillettes
had visited all the districts lying north of Three Rivers.
Ilo met Christians, and Christians perfectly instructed,
where he did not expect to find even men. He increased
the number, administered the sacraments, promised to

gled long but unsuccessfully against 1650, p. 40; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
the selling of spirituous liquors to nadensis, p. G05.

the Indians. They suceeeded, how- * The Bersiamites are not men-
ever, only in drawing odium on tioned in the Relation, (650, p. 4t.
themselves. See Shea, Discovery They were next to ‘Tadoussac, and
and Exploration of the Mississippi the Papinachois below them, on the
Valley, p. 79; Histoire de PRau- St. Lawrence: Relation, 1662, p. 18.
de-Vie en Canada, Quebec, 1840, ‘The Oumamiouck lay inland, north.
p. 20. east of Tadoussac: Relation de la N,

? Relation de la Nouvelle France, V., 1652, p. 20.

243

1650-1,
—_—_—

244 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

1650-1. visit them as soon as possible, and left them' in a dispo-
—~— sition from which he could, he believed, derive every

hope.
Mr.deLau- At last, the year 1650°’—so fatal to New France by the

g0n, gov- . .
ernor-gen- almost complete destruction of the Huron nation, and by

eral of New
France.

all the misfortunes that resulted from it—closed with a

change of governor-general.

Mr. de Lauson, one of the

leading members of the Canada Company, was appointed
to succeed Mr. d’Aillebott, whose three years had expired ;
“but he did not reach Quebec till the next year.* Mr.
d’Aillebott left without regret a position in which he
could only be a witness of the desolation of the colony,
and to whom they afforded no means of maintaining his
dignity. The new governor had always been more inter-
ested than any other in the affairs of the company. It
was he chiefly who had effected in England the restoration
of Quebec. His piety, his uprightness, his good inten-
tions were known, and he had always seemed to take a
deep interest in every thing that concerned Canada,

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1650, pp. 33, 49; ib., 1648, pp. 27,
82; Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
p. 522.

2'This should be 1651. See Pro-
vision de Gouverneur de la Nou-
velle France pour le Sieur de Lau-
zon, Jan. 17, 1651 ; Can. Doe., IL, i.,
p. 172; Commission, March 20, 1651 ;
ib., p. 202. Complem. des Ord., p. 16.

3 Belmont, Histoire du Canada,
Quebec, 1640, p. 6. John de Lauson
was one of the leading men in the
Company of New France, and, as
member of the Council of State, had
long taken a deep interest in the
colony. In 1627 he was made in-
tendant of New France. He was
subsequently sent by King Louis
XIII. to England, to obtain the res-
titution of Quebec, after its capture
by Kirk: Creuxius, Historia Cana-

densis, p. 629. He was president

and superintendent of the new com-
pany (Le Clercq, Etablissement de
la Foi, vol. i, p. 433), and as such
opposed the return of the Recollects :
Ib., pp. 453-7. He was appointed
governor, on the nomination of the
company, January 17, 1651, and ar-
rived at Quebec October 138, 1651:
Ragueneau, Journal ; Relation de la
Nouvelle France, 1651, p. 1; Creux-
ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 629. He
was governor till 1656, when he re-
turned to France and became sub-
dean of the King’s Couucil and re-
sided in the cloister of Notre Dame
with one of his sons, a canon there :
Ferland, Histoire du Canada, p. 434 ;
Memoires ct Documents publi¢s par
la Soc. Hist. de Montréal, p.83. He
died at Paris, Feb. 16, 1666, aged
eighty-two: Ragueneau, Vie de la
Mére Catherine, p. 820. His career
in Canada was not happy.

Te a

lispo-
every

yy the
id by
ith a
of the
vinted
rired ;

Mr.
sh he
olony,
ig his
inter-
y. It
ration
inten-
ake a

Ww com-
nent de
as such
ollects :
pointed
1 of the
and ar-
3, 1651:
on de la
Creux-
29. He
n he re-
me sub-
and re-
e Dame
1 there:
,p. 484 ;
liés par
83. He
6, aged
e de la
3 career

ET a cal

LnognSree -

TMSTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

But he found it in a state even far more deplorable
than Father Lallemant had represented, and the colony
was daily wasting away. The Iroquois, emboldened by
their recent victories, began to regard our forts and
intrenchments as barriers no longer capable of stopping
them. They spread in great bands through all the
French settlements, and men were nowhere safe from
their insults. A sad event had also just increased their
insolence. One of their parties having approached Three
Rivers, Duplessis Bochart, the governor, marched out
against them in person. In vain representations were
made against his useless exposure of his life, when all
his valor was unavailing against an enemy whose chief
strength is in surprise, and whom their natural agility and
the neighborhood of the forests always afford a sure
retreat ; and that, in fine, there was nothing to be gained
in fighting men who had nothing to lose. He turned a
deaf ear to all; but he paid the penalty of his obstinacy.
He was killed ; and his death not only deprived the colony
of a good officer and a worthy man, but it gave new lustre
to the arms of the Iroquois.’

The war which they unrelentingly continued against the
feeble remnant of the Huron nation, and against every
tribe that offered them shelter, daily increased the terror
of their name, and their forces increased by the number
of captives whom they brought in from all parts and used
to replace those of their braves who fell. At last, Sylleri,
become no longer safe with palisades, had to be sur-
rounded with walls, and cannon mounted there. The
most fearful deserts and most impenetrable cantons of the
North no longer afforded secure retreats against the rage

1Du Plessis Bochart Querbodo p. 406; Memoires et Documents
had filled important offices for over publics, ete. p. 87; Belmont, His-
twenty years. His wife was Etien- toire duCanada, p. 7; Relation de
nette des Pres. As to him, see Ra- la N, F., 1652, p. 35. The party at-
gueneau, Vie dela Mére Catherine, tacking was Oneidas, with a few
p. 54; Ferland, Cours d'Histoire, i, Mohawks. Besides du Plessis, one

245

1650-1.
—_—o_—

Troquois
ravages im
the North.

246

1652.

—_—_—o

Father Bu-
teux and
the Attika-
megues.

Progress of
the faith
among the
Abénakis,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

of these savages and the dropsical thirst for human blood
which impelled them. '

Father James Buteux had spent all the spring of 1651*
in visiting these vast districts. He found all the Attika-
megues Christians or catechumens, although no priest had
ever resided among them. Their innocence charmed him.
They had erected a chapel, where they assembled regu-
larly to offer up their prayers in common ;* and after the
missionary had gratified their eagerness to hear the Word
of God and partake of the sacraments of the Church, they
conducted him to a nation still more remote,’ where this
religious had the happiness of making ovr holy Law
appreciated by a small number of the elect.

He confidently expected to complete next year what he
had as yet only been able to sketch ; but he had scarcely
returned to the colony when the Iroquois’ made an irrup-
tion into those remote parts, filled them with blood and
rarnage, and did not leave a single village whose inhab-
itants were not butchered or dispersed. The tidings hav-
ing reached Mr. de Lauson, convinced him of the neces-
sity of presenting a barrier to this torrent; but he had
brought no re-enforcement from Trance, and he was *:r

from finding in the colony forces suflicient to rest.

security and tranquillity. The only part of New France
where the Lroquois had not darcd. aid never dared, to

carry their victorious arms, was (ho coutry oeeupied by
the Abénaqui nations. Fathe: Dieuiettes had, as we
have seen, there laid the foundations of a church which

soldier was killed and one mortally 5 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
wounded. ‘I'welve were taken: Ra- 1651, p. 20; Creuxius, Historia Ca-

guenean, Journal, Aug., 1652. nadensis, p. 622; Marie de l’Iucar-
' Buteux mentions (Relation, 1651, nation, Lettres Historiques, p, 141.
p. 26) that they penetrated to Lake 4 Father Buteux mentions visits

Kisakami, which, he would have to two other gatherings of Indians,
supposed, they could neither dis- apparently Attikamegues (Relation,

cover nor reach. 1651, p. 24), although he speaks of
2 He set out March 27, 1651, with belts given to the Krigoitechkak,
Mr. de Normanville: Relation, 1651, ® Relation de la Nouvelle France,

p. 16; Creuxius, Hist.Can., p. 620. 1651, p. 26; 1652, p. 1

i gt
= rahe

lood

651?
hika-
had
him.
egu-
the
Vord
they

this
Law

t he
reely
rrup-

and
hab-
hay-
eces-

» had

stove
nance
d, to
dd by
Ss we
vhich

‘rance,
ria Ca-
Tncar-
. 141.

- visits
ndians,
‘lation,
‘aks of
ak,
Trance,

orn oes eee

TUSTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

gave great hopes, L have been unable to ascertain the
reasons which induced him to interrupt his apostolic
labors among these tribes,' in order to go and exercise his
zeal in the furthest extremes of the North. But it is
certain that no missionary then labored with greater fruit
in Canada, because Heaven had rendered him powerful in
works as well as in words,

The Indians who accompanied him in his excursions
spoke of nothing but the wonders wrought by his means,
which, joined to the eminent virtues which they saw him
practise, facilitated all tiiat he undertook for the glory of
God. The Trench had the same opinion of his sane a
and his influence with the Almighty. I knew a lady ¢
Three Rivers—Madame de Cournoyer, wife of a nen
in the marine forees—who, having during her infancy
fallen into a languor deemed by the physicians incurable,
was healed the moment the servant of God made the sion
of the cross on her forehead. The cireumstances of the
case were stated to me by the mother® of the lady herself,
Who held her in her arms when she was restored,

It seems, nevertheless, that Father Dreuillettes never
entirery lost sight of his beloved Abénaquis, among whom
his credit became so great, that the Knglish, whose inter-
est led them to propitiate these Indians, then ne ighbors,
thought it their duty carefully to cultivate his friendship ;
and they always showed great regard for him. On his
side, he corresponded in a manner that satisfied them
fully ; and he availed himself so well of this good under

' See ante, p. 208. Father Druil- son of Mr, Godctroy, who had been
lettes went to the Abdnakis in 1650, ambassador to Boston with Father
Sept. 1: Relation de la Nouvelle Dreuillettes.—Charlevoix. He prob
France, 1651, p. 15 (Ragueneau, ably confounds John Paul Godefroy
Journal, Sept. 1, 1650), and again in of Quebee with John Godetroy fi
June, 1651, after a two week’ stay Linetot, in the pays de Caux, 4
in the colony: Relation de la Nou- resided at Three Rivers, and was the
velle France, 1652, p. 22. ancestor of the Godefroys de Lin-

* Madame de Linetot, wife of a tot: Ferland, Notes sur le Registre
major of Three Rivers, who was a de Quéhee, p. 68.

247

1652.
—_—_——e
Progress of
the Faith
among the

Abcnaquis
nations.

dew

248 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1652, standing to advance the work of God, that in a short time
—y~" he beheld himself at the head of a numerous and flourish-
ing church. In the sequel, when the Ab(naquis were
attached to the French by the bond of religion, New Eng-
land had every reason to repent her having unwisely

made them irreconcilable enemies.’
Father Bue About the same time some families of Attikamegues

teux goes

northward invited Father Buteux to accompany them to their coun-

with a : é
prosenti- try, in order to assemble the sad remnants of the nation.

pene tat He consented the more willingly, as several other tribes,

returns who did not yet know Christ, were to be at the rendezvous

, appointed by the Attikamegues. The day of departure
was fixed for the 4th of April, 1652, and the evening

previous the missionary wrote to his superior a note
couched in these terms:’ “They at last give me hope,

Reverend Father, that we are about to start. God grant

that they do not change their purpose, and that Heaven

may be the bourn of our journey. Our convoy is com-

posed of sixty persons, men, women, and children. All
are in extreme languor. As to pro” -sions, they are in the
hands of Him who nourishes the birds of heaven. I set
out burdened with my sins and my misery, and I greatly
need prayers on my behalf. My heart tells me that the

time of my happiness approaches. Dominus est: quod

3

bonum est in oculis suis faciat.
He is killed There was need, indeed, to be prepared for any event,
ss eae to undertake such a journey. After the religious had suf-
fered for a month all the hardships of want of provisions
and most frightful routes, it was deemed best for the
party to separate, both to subsist more easily and to be
better able to avoid hostile war-parties; but, before sep-
arating, all wished to confess and receive the Sacrament
of the Altar. Father Buteux retained with him only a

! Father Gabriel Druillettes ar- ? Relation de la Nouvelle France,
rived in Canada, Aug. 15, 1648. He 1652, p. 2.
died at Quebec, April 8, 1681, 31 Kings, iii. 18,

+ time
yurish-
3 were
y Eng-
wisely

negues
coun-
nation.
tribes,
ezvous
varture
vening
m note
» hope,
| grant
Teaven
$s com-
n. All
in the

I set
greatly
iat the
> quod

y event,
ad suf-
Visions
for the
1 to be
re Sep-
rament
only a

9 France,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

young Frenchman and a Huron; and, as the rivers began
to be navigable, they built a small canoe and embarked.’

The next day they were obliged to make several port-
ages, and they were engaged on the third, when the
Huron, who was somewhat in advance, felt himself sud-
denly seized from behind, The missionary and the
Frenchman were at the same time stretched on the ground
by a volley of musketry. The former received two balls
in the breast; a third broke his right arm. He had but
time to say two words to his companion, who was no less
severely wounded, to exhort him to die well, and to offer
voluntarily to God the sacrifice of his life. The Troquois
at once dispatched both, stripped them, and flung their
bodies into the river.’

The Huron was destined to the stake, but he had the
adroitness to effect his escape. He reached Three Rivers
on the 8th of June.” A body of young Indians were at
once dispatched'* to look for the missionary’s body, but
they could not find it. Thus scarcely a year passed that
did not see the soil of New France bedewed with the blood
of some missionary. In fact, the destruction of the Huron
towns had left several unemployed ; but they were almost
all spent with their toils and labors, and no longer of an
age to acquire new languages, so that they were obliged
to return to Europe.” Among these was Father Bres-

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, and Algonquins. He was a man of
1652, p. 2; Creuxius, Historia Cana- prayer, mortification, and zeal. He

densis, p. 657, The Frenchman was
Fontarabie, and the Huron, Thomas
‘'sondoutannen: Ragueneau, Jour.
nal.

* Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1652, p. 1; Creuxius, Historia Cana-
densis, p. 657. Father James Bu-
teux was a native of Abbeville, in
Picardy, born in April, 1600. He
entered the Society of Jesus at
Rouen, Oct, 2, 1620, and was sent to
Canada in 1684. He was cighteen
years a missionary to the Montagnais

was killed, May 10, 1652: Relation
dela Nouvelle France, 1652 ; Creux-
ius, Historia Canadensis, p, 657;
Tanuer, Die Gesellschaft Jesu biss
zur Vergicssung ihres Blutes, ete.,
Prague, 1688, p. 604.

% Ragueneau, in his Journal, says
May 28, though the Relation gives
June 8,

‘Not from Three Rivers, appar-
ently, but from the Attikamegues’
camp: Relation, 1652, p. 3.
® No missionaries returned in 1652.

249

1652.
——
Death of

Father
Buteux,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

1652. sani,’ who afterwards preached in the greatest cities of Italy

with an applause, due less to his truly pathetic style than
, to his character of confessor of Christ, and the glorious
He also produced

marks which he bore on his body.

everywhere the greater fruit, inasmuch as he could with
more justice propose Christian morality in all its purity,
and say with the apostle—*T bear the marks of the Lord
Jesus in my body.” (Gal. vi. 17.)

The Isle of Montreal did not suffer less from the incur-

Progress of
the colony

of Mon. Sions of the Lroquois than the other quarters of New
treal. qa : f
"France, and Mr, de Maisonneuve was obliged to go to
’ 1653, Paris, to seek the relicf that he failed to obtain by

his letters.? He returned in 1653, with a re-enforcement
of a hundred settlers ; but the most fortunate acquisition

which he made on this voyage was that of a virtuous vir-

gin, Margaret Bourgeois, a native of Langres, whom ho
: brought to Montreal to take care of his house, and who
subsequently rendered her name dear and worthy to all

the colony, by her eminent virtue, and by the institute of
the Sisters of the Congregation—an institute whose utility

increases daily with the number of those who have em-
I have spoken more at length of it in my

braced it.
journal.’

In 1650, Bressani, Lalemant, Daran,
Greslon, P, Pijart, Duperon, and
Bonin returned; Journal, Sept.—
Novy., 1650.

1 Bressani went, really, Nov. 2,
1650.

2He went in 1651; Dollier de
Casson, Histoire de Montreal, 1650—
1; Belmont, Histoire du Canada, p.
6; Faillon, Histoire de la Colonie
Francaise, ii, p. 181; Vie de la
Sceur Bourgeoys, 1818, p. 38.

3 Faillon, while stating that Mar-
garet Bourgeoys did act as house-
keeper for Maisonneuve for four
years (Histoire de la Colonie Fran-
gaise,-ii., p. 217), shows (ib., p. 176,

and Vie de Marguerite Bourgeoys,
i, p. 34, ete.) that she came to teach.
Margaret Bourgeoys was born at
Troyes, in Champagne, April 17,
1620—her father, Abraham Bour-
geoys, an honest shopkeeper, and
her mother, Guillemette Garnier,
being by no means wealthy. Her
inclination was for the religious
state, but difficulties intervened, and
she endeavored, though unsuccess-
fully, to form a congregation of Sis-
ters in the house of Madame de
Chuly, sister of Madame de Chome
dey, to whose residence she retired
also on her father’s death. The visit
of Maisonneuve seemed to offer her

a

HISVORY OF NEW FRANCE, 951
of Italy Soon after Mr. de Maisonneuve’s return, an event oe- 1653.

lo than curred in the island which was regarded by all the colony ~~"

lorious as an effect of the visible protection of the Mother of God, troquois
) : . . defeated,
oduced to whom it was especially consecrated, and where all
ld with really lived a life to merit her favors. Twenty-six men
purity were surprised and surrounded by two hundred Iroquois,

J?

e Lord

who fired several volleys at them, without wounding a
man, while not one of their ‘shots failed to tell. The

e incur- astonishment of the Indians was extreme. They did not
of New think it wise to give the French time to load again, but
» go to fled in all haste.’

o

tain by
reement
juisition
ous Vir-
hom hoe
und who
iy to all
titute of
e utility
ave em-
t in my

Bourgeoys,
e to teach.
s born at
April 17,
1am Bour-
seper, and
» Garnier,
Ithy. Her
» religious
vened, and
unsuccess-
tion of Sis-
fadame de
de Chome
she retired

The visit
to offer her

apt Rapes HAC I a

sca

vw

The governor was taking steps to prevent such gur-
o

prises, when sixty Onondagas appeared in view of his fort.

a field for her design, and she em-
barked with him and his new com-
pany of settlers, June 20, 1653, on
the St, Nicholas, of Nantes, Captain
Peter le Besson. They reached Que-
bee, Sept. 22. She opened her school
in a stable at Montreal, Nov. 25,
1657. Two years after, with other
ladies whem she had induced to
join her in France, she founded the
congregation of Our Lady, recognized
in 1669, and formally established in
1676. After seeing her order extend
on every side the blessings of edu-
cation, she died, January 12, 1700.
Sce Vie de la Swur Bourgeoys, 120.,
Montreal, 1818; Vie de la Sceur
Bourgeoys, Fondatrice de la Congre-
gation de Notre Dame de Villemarie
en Canada, Paris, 2 vols. 80, 1852 ;
Histoire de l’Hotel Dieu de Quebee,
p. 128; Le Clereq, Etab., ii, p. 59.
'Mem. de la Soe. Hist. de Mon-
treal, p. 1384; Relation, 1653, p. 3;
Creuxius, Hist., p. 663. Evidently
the action of October 14, 1652, di
seribed by Dollier de Casson. M
des Musseaux, governor of Montreal,
sent out Major Lambert Closse, with
a scouting party of twenty-four,
Three in the van were suddenly

fired upon, and one killed. Another
escaped to a wretched house, in
which the rest of the party also took
refuge, with a colonist. Here they
held out, doing terrible execution
on the encmy until their ammunition
was nearly exhausted. Then Baston,
a brave soldier, made his way to the
fort, and brought up a re-enforce-
ment of ten men, with two small
cannon loaded with grape. By the
help of these he reached Closse safe-
ly. When the iroquois had sus-
tained a few more deadly volleys,
they fled, having, out of two hun-
dred, lost (says de Belmont, Iis-
toire du Canada, pp. 6, 7), twenty
killed and fifty wounded, Mother
Juchereau (Histoire de Hotel Disu
de Quebce, p. 58) gives an account
of a gallant action of Major
Ciosse, who, at the head of
twenty, reseued four who were be-
sieged in a redoubt, and in the
action killed thirty-two Iroquois,
losing only four. She gives no date,
and it may be a fuller version of
this same affiir; though Mr. Fer-
land (Histoire, vol. i, p. 400) seems
to identify it with an action of June
Is, 1651 ; Jesuit Journal, July 30.

252

1653.
—_———

New nego-
tiations for
peace,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

Some detached from the body, and approaching with great
confidence, made signs that they wished to speak.’ Their
small number led to their being admitted without diffi-
culty into the fort, and they declared that their canton
was disposed to peace, if the French would treat with
them. They accompanied this proposition with presents,
and Mr. de Maisonneuve, on accepting them, called their
attention to the fact that the French nation was far from
that perfidy which had so often made them abuse the con-
fidence placed in their words—that he might on this
occasion resort to reprisals and treat them as spies, all
their past conduct giving him the right—but that Chris-
tians act on far different principles.

They admitted all this, and declared that the French
would soon have certain proofs of their sincerity. They
accordingly set out to convey the governor’s propositions
to their sachems, and passing homeward through the can-
ton of Oneida, they induced the chiefs of that canton to
join them. That of Cayuga did the same, and even sent
deputies in its name to Montreal, with a belt, to warn
the governor that there were five hundred Mohawks in
the field, aiming at Three Rivers.*- Mr. de Lauson, to
whom de Maisonneuve imparted this intelligence, dili-
gently armed all the Hurons whom he could assemble.
The Hurons, coming up with a considerable body of Mo-
hawks, well posted, attacked them so resolutely that they
killed a great number, captured the chief and several of
the leading warriors, and put the rest to flight.’

Another party of these Indians met with better success.
It advanced to the gates of Quebec, where all summer
long it gave constant alarm, committed great ravages on

1 June 26, 1653: Relation de la 3’This exploit of the Hurons is
Nouvelle France, 1653, p.4; Marie apparently that described as having
del’Incarnation, Lettre, Sept. 6, 1658. occurred at Montreal, August 15:

2 Relation de la Nouvelle France, Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1653,
1653, p. 4; Creuxius, Historia Ca- pp. 5,9; Le Mercier, Journal, Aug.
nadensis, p. 605. 21, 1653.

ws
tie —

Sa

great
Their
t diffi-
‘anton
t with
sents,
l their
r from
e con
n this
les, all
Chris-

‘rench

They
sitions
© can-
ton to
n sent
) warn.
wks in
son, to
e, dili-
semble.
of Mo-
ut they
eral of

success.
summer
ses On

Turons is
as having
ust 15:
nce, 1653,
nal, Aug.

——

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE

all sides, massacred several of the French, and made some
prisoners, among whom was Father Poncet.' This mis-
sionary was greatly beloved in the colony ; and it was no
sooner known in the capital that he was in the hands of
the Iroquois, than forty French and many Indians took
up the pursuit of the Mohawks, determined not to come
back without rescuing him. They were, however, re-
tained at Three Rivers, to re-enforce the garrison of that
post, which the enemy held blockaded on all sides.’

Bef sng that town they perceived two heads
drawn ou the trunk of a tree, with Father Poncet’s name
below, and that of a Frenchman who had been taken with
that religious, They also found on the ground a little
book, in which the missionary had written these words :
“Six Hurons, naturalized as Iroquois, and four Mohawks,
are carrying us off, and have not yet done us any harm.”
He could not say as much a few days after ; for he was
not spared, any more than Father Jogues and Father
Bressani had been, in similar circumstances, either during

the march or on his arrival in the Mohawk canton.’

1 Father {Joseph Anthony] Poncet
(de la Riviere] was uncle of the late
bishop of Usez.—Charlevoiv. He was
a native of Paris, and studiet at
Rome; Chaumonot, Autobiographie,
p. 39. He was instrumental in in-
ducing Mother Mary of the Incarna-
tion to come to Canada, in which he
arrived, August 1, 1639. He labored
in the Huron country at Montreal,
and especially at Quebec: Relations ;
Charlevoix, Vie de la M. Marie de
l’'Incarnation, p. 198, He was taken,
Aug. 20, 1653, above Sillery, while
endeavoring to get a poor widow's
field reaped for her: Relation de la
Nouvelle France, 1658, p. 9; Creux-
ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 672; Le
Mercier, Journal, Aug. 21, 16538;
Belmont, Histoire du Canada, p. 7.
After his captivity, he was again

pastor at Quebec till 1657, when the
Abbé de Quéylus, assuming juris-
diction, deprived him, He was then
sent to Onondaga, but recalled, and
returned to France, Sept. 18, 1657;
Dequen, Journal (MS.) He then
labored in Brittany, and was French
penitentiary at Loretto, and after
several years’ mission life in the
West Indies, died in Martinique,
June 18, 1675, aged sixty-five:
Champion, Vie du P. Rigoleu, p. 78 ;
Amerikanisches Martyrologium in
Die Katholisches Kirche in den V.8.,
Regensburg, 1864, p. 382.

? Father le Mercier, Journal, Aug.
21, 1653 (MS.); Relation de la Nou-
velle France, 1653, p. 10.

® Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1658, p. 10; Le Mercier, Journal
(MS.); Marie de I'Incarnation, Let-

1653.
Se r nS
Capture of

Father

Poncet,

z
o
_
<
=
<
>
ahd
Lee]
©
<
=

TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1.6
=

La

125

2

cS
A)
A

Pho

254

1653.

ings.

CO Ne ET

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

One day, when they were assembled to deliberate on

“~~ his fate and that of his companion, a woman presented a
His suffer branch of wampum,' to obtain permission to cut off one of

his fingers; and having secured it, an Indian approached
the missionary and took his right hand. While he was
examining his fingers, one after the other, the missionary,
who had a presentiment that he would not be put to
death, asked the Almighty that his left rather than his
right hand should be mutilated. The Indian instantly
dropped the hand which he held, took up the other, and
made a boy cut off the forefinger. During the operation
the servant of God chanted the Vevilla ; and at its close,
the branch of wampum was hung around his neck, and
his finger given to the woman who had solicited it.’

The next day he was led from village to village,’ and
everywhere had much to suffer, especially from the young,
to whom ke was abandoned, and who treated him with
more than barbarous petulance. At last a council was
held, which decided to burn the young Frenchman, and
put the missionary at the discretion of an old matron,
whose brother had been captured or slain, The young
Frenchman was at once executed, but Poncet’s mistress
spared his life. Three days after, an Iroquois came from
Three Rivers, and reported that they were on the point of
concluding peace ; that Ononthio demanded, as a prelim-
inary, the liberation of Father Poncet; and that it had
been necessary to give him hostages, whose lives depended

tre, Sept. 6, 1653; Creuxius, His- been made in France for the trade
toria Canadensis, p. 673; Belmont, on the coast of Africa. The expres-
Histoire du Canada, p. 7. sion, branche de porcelaine, corre-

‘A branch of wampum is a long sponds, apparently, to the fathom of
thread, on which several beads of wampum of early New York writers.

wampum are strung.—Charleroiz, * Relation de la Nouvelle France,
The wampum, or clam-shell beads, 1658, pp. 10-12.
are called by Charlevoix, as by ear- * Poncet mentions but one of the

lier French writers, porcelaine, ap- villages.
parently from their resemblance to 4 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
the porcelain beads which had long 1653, p. 14.

and
ng,
vith
was
and
ron,
ung
ress
rom
it of
lim-
had

ided

trade
_pres-
corre-
om of
riters.
rance,

of the

rance,

iene” ea a

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

on the missionary’s, and that he had come in all haste to
give information.’

This intelligence in a moment changed the prisoner’s
position. They first took him to Orange,’ to have clothes
made for him—for his own had been, according to custom,
torn to pieces. On returning to the Mohawks, he was led,
in a kind of triumph, through several towns, and every-
where greeted with marks of the sincerest friendship. At
last, on the 15th of October,’ he set out for Quebec, with
a deputy from the canton, who bore presents for the
governor-general and the superior of the missions. They
had been two days on the march, when they were over-
taken by an express, sent to tell the deputy that the hos-
tages who had been placed in the hands of the French
were in irons, that some had even been tomahawked, and
that he should come to a decision on the matter before
going any further.

1653.
—_—_——

He is deliv-
ered,

This information embarrassed the deputy ; but as he pangerthat

esteemed Father Poncet, he contented himself with the
missionary’s assurance that no harm should befall him,
and continued his route. This first alarm was followed by
some others, which would have put the missionary in
great danger, if he had not had to deal with a man pre-
possessed in his favor. Those familiar with the Indians
are not surprised at these incidents, for nothing is more
ordinary among these savages than to spread such base-
less rumors. They sometimes spring from the mere itch-
ing to announce something new and unexpected, or from
the mere love of talk and of mischief-making.‘

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, Oct. 8: Relation de la Nouvelle

1653, pp. 9, 14.

® He was there Sept. 20, and com-
plains of the coid reception given
him by the governor of Fort Orange,
although a letter from Governor de
Lauson was handed to that officer
by an Iroquois.

® He left the last Iroquois town,

France, 1653, p. 16; Creuxius, His-
toria Canadensis, p. 681.

4 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1653, pp. 16,17. An event belong-
ing tothe year 1653 may be inserted
here from the Jesuit Journal. Fa-
ther Ragueneau says, under the
month of May: “ The 26th, a coun-

he runs on
his way
back to
Quebec,

956 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1653 It is most frequently to defeat some operation that they
—y—" do not approve; and it is most probable that, in the
present case, the author of this rumor sought only to set
all at variance. The fact was, that an Algonquin had been
put in prison at Quebee for intoxication, and that not one
of the Iroquois hostages had been molested. Fether
Poncet, fortunately delivered from these perils by the
confidence which his conductor had in him, nearly per-
ished in port. While shooting the Sault St. Louis, his
canoe struck, and he was in great danger of drowning. At
last, on the 5th of November, he reached Quebec, where
he was received, as it were, in triumph, and where, during
the entire term of his captivity, they had not failed a
single day to offer public prayers for his deliverance.’

Peace was already concluded; and in spite of past
experience of the levity and perfidy of the Iroquois, the
people chose to flatter themselves that it would be dur-
able. The Five Cantons had come to the step without
any concert with each other, and the Mohawks had made
advances at a time when they seemed most embittered
against us and had nothing to fear on our side. This
made all regard it as the work of Him who alone can give
peace to the world; but He, apparently, wished but to
suspend for a brief period the fury of the enemies of His
name, who had not executed all the sentences of His jus-
tice, and give a colony, where He had a great number of
true worshippers, time to breathe.’

Peace con-
cluded.

cil was held at the fort with four friendly, and remotely allied to the
Indian ambassadors, cc ne from New Montagnais. These ambassadors

England, who had brought a letter
from Mr. John Heliot, minister of
those quarters, which letter wit-
nessed that the four Indians, taken
prisoners of war the preceding au-
tumn by the Algonquins Atontrato-
ronons, were neither Sokokis nor
Iroquois, but were allies of the Eng-
lish. . . . The resolution of the
council was, that this nation was

brought thirty-six fine large belts
for the presents which they made to
thank us that their people had not
been treated hostilely.”

' Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1653, p. 17; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
nadensis, p. 682. Le Mercier (Jour-
nal) says he reached Quebec, Nov. 4,

* Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1653, pp. 17-20. The Mohawks

|

TR: aoe

they
1 the
o set
been
; One
other
r the
- per-
;, his
. At
vhere
uring
led a
1
past
3, the
. dur-
ithout
made
ttered
This
1 give
mut to
f His
g jus-
ber of

to the
ssadors
re belts
made to
had not

France,
oria Ca-
r (Jour-
Nov. 4,
France,
lohawks

:

= na

—

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

The next year, Father le Moyne was sent to Onondaga
to ratify the treaty in the name of the governor-general,
and all passed with great satisfaction on both sides. The
missionary told the Indians that he wished to have his
cabin in their canton, and his offer was not only accepted,
but a site was marked out, of which he took possession.
He was then feasted in several towns, loaded with pres-
ents on behalf of all the sachems, and taken back to
Quebec according to their promise.’

But the joy inspired by the happy success of his nego-
tiation was nothing compared to that which he felt at the
sight of a multitude of Huron captives, who formed amid
the heathen a church quite similar to that of the Jews
during the captivity of Babylon. Their faith had been
put to the severest tests, and was only the more lively.’
The example of their virtues, and the pathetic exhorta-
tions of some of them, had inspired the Iroquois with an
exalted esteem for the religion which they professed.
Several even seemed disposed to embrace it. Father le
Moyne baptized some ; and his extreme desire to see an
Iroquois church well established, as soon as possible,
made him, on his return, observe silenc: as to an event
which befell him on his route, and which was only subse-
quently learned from the Iroquois themselves.

He was in a canoe with two Onondagas. Hurons and

made their presents, Nov. 6, and
they were returned on the 9th: Le
Mercier, Journal; M. Marie de 1’In-
carnation, Lettres Historiques, p.
226. A large Iroquois party men-
aced Three Rivers, but they were
brought to terms of peace by the
defeat of a party near Montreal by
the Huron chief, Annontaha or Ka-
nontaga, The brave Huron took
prisoners several great war-chiefs,
and went to Three Rivers to pro-
pose negotiation: Le Mercier,
Journal, Aug. 21, 1653; Dollier de
Casson, Histoire de Montreal (MS8.) ;
Vou, 1.—17

Belmont, Histoire du Canada, p. 7;
Faillon, Histoire de la Colonie Fran-
caise, p. 163.

' He left Quebec, July 2, 1654, and
returned to it, Sept. 11: Relation de
la Nouvelle France, 1654, p. 11;
Creuxius, Historia Canadensis, p.
705 ; M. Marie de l’Incarnation, Let-
tres Historiques, p. 226. He at this
time discovered the Onondaga salt
springs: N. Y. Doe, Hist., i., p. 33.

? Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1654, p. 13; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
nadensis, p. 707; M. Marie de V'In-
carnation, Lettres Historiques, p. 228.

257

1654.
—_—

Father le
Moyne goes
to Onon-
daga to
ratify the
treaty.

Fervor of
the Huron
captives
among the
Iroquois.

258

1654.

HISTCRY OF NEW FRANCE,

Algonquins followed in others. As they approached Mon-

—~—" treal, they were quite surprised to see th«mselves sur-
Adventure rounded by several canoes, full of Mohawks, who poured

of Father le

Moyne, by upon them a volley from all their muskets. The Hurons

of the

Mohawks.

the pemey

and Algonquins were all killed, as well as one of the On-
ondagas—Father le Moyne being taken and bound as a
prisoner of war. The surviving Onondaga was told that
he might return home ; but he protested that he could not
abandon the missionary, who had been confided to him by
the sachems of his canton, and he menaced the Mohawks
with all the wrath of the Upper Iroquois.

At first they laughed at this threat ; but when they saw
that the Onondaga held firm, they changed their tone,
unbound the prisoner, and put him in the hands of his
faithful conductor, who took him to Montreal.’ Mother
Mary of the Incarnation, in her well-written and highly-
esteemed letters, full of excellent notices of these times,
relates the event somewhat differently. She adds, that
the conduct of the Mohawks was disavowed by their can-
ton, who threw the blame on a Hollander, born of a Mo-
hawk mother, who had been brought up in his mother’s
cabin, lived with the Indians, and is known in our Rela-
tions only under the name of Batard Flamand—the
Flemish Bastard.? Be that as it may, this accident,
known quite late, made no alteration in the arrangement
made by the treaty of peace concluded between the two
nations. This was not even the only insult received from
the Iroquois, and as to which it was deemed prudent by
the French authorities to close their eyes.’

There were then six hundred Hurons in Isle Orleans,

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, nal of le Mercier is lost for this
1654, p. 38. Creuxius (Historia Ca- period, and the Relation of 1655 was
nadensis, p. 715) supposes this to be carried off by robbers: Ferland,
on his return from Onondaga ; but Cours d'Histoire, i., p. 419.
there is nothing in the Relation to ? Relation de la Nouvelle France,
make us suppose it to beso. Itwas 1654, p. 11.
apparently going from Quebec to *Copie de deux Lettres, 1655,
Montreal, subsequently. The Jour- p. 2.

\
'

} ~
| HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE, 259

Mon- where they began to support themselves by their own — 1654.
S sur labor. As they were the flower of the Christians of that .-c~
oured nation; as they had not abandoned the Lord in the Piety of the
lurons miseries wherewith he had permitted them to be afflicted ; ‘here
e On- and as they had borne the scandal of the Cross with '""™
| as @ patience and resignation, especially admirable in neo-
1 that phytes, it is easy to conceive their fervor at a time when
Id not every thing led them to gratitude towards Him who giveth
im by | death and quickeneth, always for the good of His elect,
hawks Besides, they lacked no assistance which could serve to
nourish their piety. The most fervent had been formed
y saw into two sodalities, one for men and the other for women ;
tone, and these associations produced among these fervent In-
of his dians the same fruits of holiness that were then admired
[other

in all parts of the Christian world where they were estab-
ighly- lished.’ And this we say, notwithstanding what is written

times, by an author who had every reason to distrust his infor-

' . . .
, that mation, and whose profession should have rendered him
r can- more reserved in speaking of things as to which he cou!
a Mo-

not be personally informed.’
’ - . . . . .
other's y The desire of initating the Queen of Virgins mode «

' Rela- number of the young women embrace celibacy ; and the
1—the ; edifying conduct of these spouses of Christ invested with
cident, y respect, in the eyes of the Indians, a state which had, a
ement few years before, been despised. The other sedentary
1e two missions gave no less edification to the French ; and the
1 from | tranquillity brought about by the peace gave hopes that
ent by all the nations of the North and East would soon embrace
Christianity—nothing, it seems, any longer preventing
‘leans, their approaching us, or our missionaries visiting them.

A A Meanwhile, the Mohawks were laboring underhand, and
evened I sought an opportunity to trouble the repose which we
Ferland, | and our allies enjoved. Interest, a motive hitherto little

; known among these people, but which had been inspired
France, ae ne _
s, 1655,

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, * Le Clercq, Etablissement de la
1654, p. 20. Foi, i., p. 589.

260 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1654. by European commerce and example, was the main
‘~~ ground of their discontent ; and their jealousy against the
1 The Mo- other cantons had sowed the seeds of great contentions
to break oy among them. As long as the war lasted, that nation had
the peas traded exclusively with the Dutch, which greatly dis-

pleased the Upper Cantons, because the trail which they
were obliged to take to reach Orange was very long, and
compelled them to pass through the lands of the Mo-
hawks, who thus held them in a kind of dependence ; and
besides, the Mohawks, supported by their propinquity to
the Dutch, were able to dictate terms to the whole

country.’
They re- All these advantages ceased with the peace, which
sume hoa-
tilities, und opened trade between the French an1 the Upper Can-
ill a Jesuit

lay-brother, tons. It is not, therefore, astonishing that the latter
showed so much eagerness to conclude the treaty, or
that the Mohawks manifested repugnance, and repented
as soon as they had concurred in it. Moreover, they
never wished it to extend to our allies: »»d, in fact, they
did not arrest, or discontinued for only a brief term, their
war-parties against them. They soon wearied of observ-
ing the conditions agreed upon by them with us, and
which consisted in their not appearing in arms in the
colony, and not disturbing the missionaries in their func-
tions. A Jesuit lay-brother, John Liegeois, was found
near Sylleri, pierced by two musket-balls, his head sev-
ered from the body, and the scalp gone.’
It was then evident that there was no longer any room
for temporizing with such an enemy, who was without
self-control ; and it was deemed necessary to reduce him

' Copie de deux Lettres, 1655, p.8. He had been in the colony from
See also Relation de la Nouvelle 1634, and rendered important. ser-
France, 1646, pp. 16, 17. vices. He had just put up a fort or

® Copie de deux Lettres, 1655, p.2; blockhouse at Sillery, and went into
M. Marie de I'Incarnation, Lettres a wood to see whether there were any
Historiques, p. 236; Creuxius, His- signs of the enemy, when he was
toria Canadensis, p. 733. Brother surprised and killed : Sketch in Jes-
Liegeois was killed, May 29, 1655. uit Journal, close of 1656.

eT

main
t the
itions
1 had
dis-
they
s, and
. Mo-
; and
‘ity to
whole

which
Can-
latter
ty, or
vented
, they
, they
, their
bserv-
3, and
in the
r func-
found
d sev-

r room
rithout
xe him

ny from
tant ser:
a fort or
vent into
were any

he was
hin Jes-

Pr et pra tne

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

in all haste, while there was a hope that he would not be
sustained by the other cantons, Accordingly, so many
detachments were sent out, that they finally succeeded in
inspiring those savages with alarm ; and nothing, perhaps,
contributed to this more than the exploit of an Algonquin
squaw of Sylleri. She was in the field with her husband
and children, when five Mohawks suddenly started up,
rushed on her unsuspecting husband, and bound him.
The children were too small to escape, and for the same
reason they neglected to bind the woman. The Mohawks
paid dearly for this confidence. At a moment when they
least expected it, the courageous Christian seized a
hatchet, drove it into the head of the chief of the party,
and then tomahawked another who ran up to his assist-
ance. The remaining three, astonished at such boldness,
at once fled, leaving our heroine with her husband, whose
bonds she cut, and her children, whom she took back in
triumph to the village.’

These reverses disgusted the Mohawks. They once more
solicited peace, and this time without any restriction ; and
as they were very earnest to have a missionary, and
Father le Moyne still more earnest to obtain permission
to go among them, their wishes were gratified.’ The mis-
sionary was well received, and this was sufficient to con-
vince him that the Mohawks really wished to live on good
terms with all the world. He was not disabused, even
after one of these savages, taking the part of a maniac or
possessed person, ran the whole night long through the
various cabins, tomahawk in hand, yelling that he meant
to kill Ondesson. This was the missionary’s Iroquois
name, and had been borne by Father Jogues before him.’

This madman would, apparently, have carried out his
threat, had he found minds at all disposed to approve it; but

'Copie de deux Lettres, 1655, p. 2; * Ondessonk : Relation, 1639, p. 53.
Creuxius, Hist. Canad., p. 743. It was also the Huron name of Tes-

2 Copie de deux Lettres, 1655, p. souat or le Borgne de l’Isle: Rela-
2; Creuxius, Hist. Canad., p. 743. tion, 16837, p. 146.

261

1654.
_——_—*
Exploit of

an Alyon-
quin squaw,

The Mo-
hawks re-
new the
peace, A
niissionary
is given to
them,

Two other
Mission-
Aries pro-

ceed to On-
ondaga,

1655.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

noone moved. As to Father le Moyne, neither an incident
showing so conclusively that it was not yet time to trust
to the Mohawks, nor many other events, coming in quick
succession, could undeceive him, Persuaded that, by dint
of cultivating that savage people, they would ultimately
tame them, he did not take pains enough to study their
character—a study very necessary to any one who forms a
project so difficult as that of destroying all the prejudices
of the mind and all the passions of the heart.’

The Onondagas seemed to act with more frankness, and
Vathers Chaumonot and Dablon were sent to them.’ The
former was of Italian origin,’ and at the time the oldest of
the missionaries in New France, where he labored to an
extreme old age with unwearied zeal, and where his mem-

'Copie de deux Lettres, 1655, p.
2; M. Marie de I'Incarnation, Let
tres Historiques, pp. 235-9. They
are not #0 severe on le Moyne.

? Copie de deux Lettres, 1655, pp.
2-6; Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
p. 746. Chaumonot (in his Auto-
biographie, p. 66) says that Menard
was selected, but that he was sent
at the fnstance of Governor de Lau-
son: M, Marie de I'Incarnation, Let-
tres Historiques, p. 240.

* Peter Joseph Mary Chaumonot
was not of Italian origin, Charlevoix
was misled by an allusion of Dablon
to his Italian style. From his own
very curious account of his life it ap-
pears that he was born near Chatil-
lon-sur-Scine, in 1611, and after
running away, and meeting many
strange adventures, entered the Jes-
uit novitiate in Rome, on the 18th
of May, 16382. Father Poncet in-
duced him to solicit the American
mission, and they came out together
in 1639. Chaumonot was at once
gent to the Huron mission, and there
spent cleven years, visiting Hurons,
Petuns, and Neuters. He founded

the colony on Isle Orleans, After
his return from Onondaga, he re-
sumed his care of the Hurons at
Quebec, Beauport, and finally at
Lorette, which he founded. During
a visit to Montreal, he established a
still-subsisting confraternity of the
Holy Family. He died, February
21, 1693. His Indian name was
Hechon, Besides his Autobiogra-
phy (with sequel, New York, 1858),
he wrote a thorough Huron gram-
mar, of which a translation has
been published in the Transactions
of the Quebec Literary and Histori-
cal Society, vol. ii, and several let-
ters, preserved in the Relations and
in Carayon, Documents Inédits,
Claude Dablon was apparently from
Dieppe. He arrived in 1655, and
after laboring at Onondaga, explored
the Upper Saguenay, and attempted
to reach Hudson's Bay. In 1668 he
was sent to Lake Superior. He be-
came superior of the missions in
1670, and was in office in 1688, He
died at Quebec, in 1697, He is the
author of the Relations for 1671 to
1679.

ident
trust
quick
‘dint
ately
their
rms a
dices

, and

The
ast of
to an
mem-

After
he re
rons at
ally at
During
ished a
of the
sbruary
ne was
biog ra-
, 1858),
| gram-
on has
sactions
Histori-
‘ral let-
ms and
Inédits,
Hy from
55, and
xplored
fempted
1668 he
He be-

ions in
88, He
» is the
1671 to

ory is still in benediction,

arrived from France, and rapidly acquired a high reputa-e -~—

tion for wisdom and virtue.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

Father Dablon had but just

These two laborers set out

from Quebec, September 19, 1655, with the deputies of
Onondaga who had come to invite them, attended by a
great number of Indians of the same nation. They did
not even wait till they reached their missionary destina-
tion before commencing the labors of the apostolate,'

The first deputy was accompanied by his wife, who was
extremely delighted with all that she saw among the
Christians, especially in the two communities of nuns,
She incessantly questioned Father Chaumonot as to our
ceremonies and mysteries. Seven or eight Lroquois united
with her to receive instructions. They were touched by
the missionary’s words, and on reaching their country
were in a condition to receive baptism, which was admin-
istered to them with great pomp. What the examples of
French piety had produced in the heart of the Iroquois
woman just mentioned, the fervor and zeal of the Huron
captives produced in the different towns in which they
had been dispersed, and the missionaries every where
found a sincere appreciation of Christianity and hearts

disposed to embrace it.’

They reached that canton on the 5th of November, and They plant
& mission,
they had every reason to augur well for the future from

the reception extended to them in the principal town.
The presents which they bore, in the name of Mr. de Lau-
son, were accepted with respect, and presents delivered in
return.’ A site was then assigned to the missionaries for

' Copie de deux Lettres, p. 3; Re-
lation de la N. F., 1656, p. 7; Creux-
ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 748.

* They set out from Quebee, Sept.
19, 1655 ; left Montreal, Oct. 7; and
reached Onondaga, Nov. 5: Rela-
tion de la Nouvelle France, 1656, pp,
7-12. This full diary is in English

a residence ; and as soon as they were lodged, the Fathers

in the N. Y. Documentary History,
i. The woman referred to is Teoton-
harason : Relation, 1656, pp. 15, 23;
Creuxius, Hist. Canad., p. 761; Let-
tres Historiques, p, 241.

5 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1656, p. 15; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
nadensis, p. 761.

Fruits of
their first
labors,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

informed the sachems that they desired to declare, in full
council, and, if possible, in a general assembly of the can-
ton, the intentions of those who had sent them, This
proposition was well received, and the assembly was a
very large one,’ **

Father Chaurmonot there discoursed of the Christian
faith in a manner which filled all his hearers with aston-
ishment. He insisted strongly on the marvellous change
which Christianity works in the hearts of those who
embrace it sincerely, and the effect of this part of his
address derived additional weight from the fact of their
having evident examples before their eyes. At the close
of his discourse, an orator thanked him, in the name of
all, for the zeal which he showed for leading them to an
eternal felicity, and told him that, compared with the
French, other Europeans did not know how to talk.’

They at once began to build a chapel ;* and so many
lent a hand, that it was finished in one day, and that very
day a ¢>‘echumen was baptized in it.” Thenceforward
the missionaries exercised all their functions with the
same freedom as though they were in the midst of the
French colony, and they found many hearts of which the
Holy Ghost had already taken possession, A young
maiden, not yet baptized, refused the two best matches in
her town, for the sole reason that her suitors were idol-

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, Dutch: Relation de la Nouvelle

1656, p. 14. De Lauson had conceded
to them a tract ten ieagues square,
at or near Onondaga; Archives, Bu-
reau des Terres.

?The meeting at which the pres-
ents were given, and the one where
Chaumonot apoke so ably, were the
same: Relation, p. 15; Creuxius, p.
761. ‘Che Onondaga presents were
given in the name of the Sagochien-
dagueté, called by our writers Ato-
tarho.
3'The comparison was with the

France, 1656, p. 17.

4The presents were returned on
the 16th, and the chapel question
taken up the 17th: Relation de la
Nouvelle France, 1656, p. 20 ; Creux-
ius, Hist. Canad., pp. 770, 771.

5 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1656, p. 20. Three children were
baptized, Nov. 18, the day of its
erection: Creuxius, Historia Cana-
densis, p. 771. Chaumonot (in his
Autobiographie, p. 67) gives inter.
esting details,

n full
Cithlie
This
yas a

istian
ston-
lane
who
f his
their
close
ne of
to an
» the

many
L very
rward
h the
f the
h the
young
hes in
idol-

ouvelle

med on
uestion
n de la
Creux-
l.
France,
n were
of its
» Cana-
(in his
s inter.

HISTOR; Oc NEW FRANCE

aters. A few days after, a war-chief having in vain
solicited her to sin, resorted to violence to compel her ;
bnt the noble convert had the fortitude to wrest herself
from his hands, and escape to. a place free from his
persecutions, After such a trial, Father Chaumonot
thought it wrong to hesitate any longer to confer baptism,
which she solicited with great earnestness ; and he had
the consolation of hearing the heathens themselves suy
that shoe deserved to be a Christian—a decisive testimony
in favor of a religion whose sanctity vot even Libertinago
and hardness of heart could prevent men from acknowl-
edging,’

A woman, much esteemed in the canton, was one of the
first to take her place among the postulants for baptism,
and her whole family followed her exainple. Some of the
heathen wished to persuade her that she wouid regret it,
and, shortly after, she sank into an extreme Janguor. She
had a grandson, ten or twelve years old, to whom she was
greatly attached, This child was attacked by the same
disease as his grandmother, and soon wasted away to such
an extent that his very sight inspired horror, The ene-
mies of Christianity did not fail to turn these accidents to
account; but their triumph was brief enough. God in-
spired the sufferers with a constancy and ry signation
which becume the topic of conversation and the admira-
tion of the whole town; and the moment they received
baptism, they recovered perfect health.’

This marvel, which was followed by several others, did
not, however, save the two religious from experiencing
many contradictions and running many risks, chiefly at
the hands of some Hurons, who, being hardened in heart
while they were in their own country, kept constantly in-
sinuating in the minds of the Iroquois, that if they per-
mitted the introduction of this strange religion, it would in

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, 2'The woman here referred to is
1656, p. 23; Creuxius, Historie Ca- Teotonkarason, their hostess: Rela-
nadensis, p. 774. tion de la Nuuv, France, 1656, p. 23,

265

1655.

266

1655.
—_——

Destruc-
tion of the
Erie nation,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

time commit the same ravages as had been seen every-
where that it had been preached : and as nothing makes
a greater impression on the mind of these nations than
dreams, they imagined new ones every day,’ to endeavor
to bring the Onondagas to their object ; but they did not
succeed, before care had been taken to forewarn the
Indians on this point.

It was about the same time that the Iroquois completed
their destruction of the nation of the Eries or of the Cat.
This war had not at first been favorable to them; but
they were not disheartened, and at last got the upper
hand so completely, that, but for the great lake whieh: still
bears the name of that nation, we should not even know
that it had existed.’ It was reasonably feared that this
new success would make the Iroquois resume their :or-
mer haughtiness towards the French, but the Onondagas
only appeared better disposed to unite themselves more
closely with them. To this end they made advances
which were deemed sincere, inasmuch as at bottom their
own interest dictated the step.‘ At last Father Dablon,

Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1656, p. 25; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
nadensis, p. 775.

2? Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1656, p. 25; Creuxius, Historia Ca-
nadensis, p. 776.

8The Erichronnon (Relation, 1654,
p. 9), Riquehronnons (Relation, 1660,
p. 7)—(nisprinted Rignerenion, Re-
lation, 1661, p. 20)—were called,
evidently, Frije by the Hurons, and
Rique by the Onondagas, They at
the southern

one time dwelt on

shove of Lake Erie, but were com-
velled to retire very far inland
by western enemies. They had

many towns, cultivated the earth,
and spoke a dialect of the Huron :
Relation, 1648, p.46; Bressani, Breve
Relatione, p. 6. They were called
by the French Cat nation, from the

number of wild-cats in their coun-
try: Relation, 1654, p. 10. In 1654
they were supposed to have two
thousand braves, excellent bowsaen,
with poisoned arrows: Ib. None of
the Relations give any more definite
information as to their location, and
of their towns but one naine, Kentai-
enton, has been preserved, and that
cannot be identified. Catharine
Ganneaktena, foundress of the In-
dian village at La Prairie, was
from this town: Chauchetiere, MS,

‘This colony to Onondaga was
promised in the spring of 1654 (Re-
lation de Ia Nouvelle France, p. 19);
but de Lauson bad no means to
effect it, and he sent missionaries,
chietly to gain time, A council held
Feb, 29, 1656, in which a rupture
Was threatened, made it necessary

avery-
makes
| than
ljeavor
id not
n the

pleted
e Cat.
; but
upper
li still
know
t this
ir i0r-
dagas
more
yances
their
ablon,

ir coun-
In 1654
ive two
owen,
None of
definite
on, and
Kentai-
nd that
itharine
the In-
ie, was
re, MS.
wa Was
1b4 (Re-
» p. 19);
eans to
onarics,
wil held
rupture
ECUSSALY

)
|
|

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

in concert with them, proceeded to Quebec, to endeavor
to induce Mr. de Lauson to send a good number of French
among them.’

He started on the 2d of March, 1656, with a numerous
escort, and reached Quebec only in the early part of
April? He had no difficulty in bringing Mr. de Lauson
into the views of the Iroquois ; and notwithstanding all
that was told that general by a Huron, who had lived
long among the Onondagas, to dissuade him from trusting
to those Undians, he could not alter his resolve.’ ifty
Frenchmen were chosen to go and form the proposed set-
tlement, and the Sieur Dupuys, an officer of the garrison,
was assigned to them as commandant.” Father Francis
le Mercier, who had succeeded Father Jerome Lallemant
in the office of superior-general of the missions, wished to
conduct in person those of his religious whom he had
selected to establish the first Troquois church. These
were Fathers Fremin, Mesnard, and Dablon.’ Their
departure was fixed for the 7th of May ; and although the
harvest had been by no means abundant, the Sieur Du-

267

1655.

Project of a

French col-

ony at One
ondega,

1656.

puys was plentifully supplied with means to support all:

for Dablon to go, especially as there
was a report that Onondagas were
imprisoned at Montreal; Chaumonot
Autobiographies, p. 68; Relation de
la Nouvelle France, 1656, p. 35;
Creuxius, Hist. Canadensis, p. 791.
"In July, 1655, the Duke de Damp-
ville, Count de Biron, was again
made yieeroy of New France: Mem.
Hist. Soe. Montreal, p. 110.
* He reached Moutreal, March 80,
1656: Creuxius, Hist. Canad., p. 793.
§ Relation de la N. B., 1656, p 8s,
4 Zachary du Puys was comman-
dant of the fort of Quebee (Ferland,
Cours d’llistoire, i, p. 426) and be-
came subsequently Major of Mon-
treal: Faillon, ii, pp. 388,517; Mem,
Soc. Hist. Montreal, p. 185. M. Mary

of the Incarnation speaks highly of

him: Letties Historiques, p. 521. He
took ten soldiers of the garrison (Ret,
1658, p. 8), and apparently forty other
Frenchmen: Relation, 1656, p. 88.

® Francis le Mercier entered the
order Oct, 14, 1620; came to Canada
in 1635; was on the Huron mission
till its ruin; Superier from 1653 to
1656, and trom 1665 to 1670, and as
such published six Relations. He was
for a time director of M. Mary of the
Incarnation, After leaving Canada
in 1673, he was sent to the West In-
dies as visitor, and died at Marti-
nique, June 12, 1690, Jerome Lale-
mant, born at Paris in 1593, came
io Canada in 1668; on Tluron mis-
sion till 1645 ; Superior from 1644 to
1650; in France from 1656 to 1659;
again Superior, 1659 to 1665 ; died

268 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

1656. his party during a whole year, as well as seed to sow the

—Y— Jands of which he should take possession.'
Hostility of The news of this enterprise having spread around, gave
hawks. the Mohawks much serious thought, and reawakened ail
their jealousy of the Onondagas. A general assembly of
the whole canton was held to deliberate on this affair, which
seemed of the highest importance. The conclusion was,
to resort to every means in order to thwart the new
settlement. In consequence of this deliberation, a party
of four hundred men was raised and sent out, with orders
to scatter Dupuys’ troop or cut it in pieces. They missed
it, however, and then, in revenge, plundered some isolated
canoes, and even wounded some of the occupants. After
that, these traitors, pretending to be mistaken, said: “ We
did not know that you were Frenchmen. We took you

for Hurons or Algonquins.”’

They carry It was not deemed by the French at the moment politic
thet pies to follow up this insult, in hopes of being soon in a posi-
fom Isle tion to render their vengeance more certain «nd decisive,
if the Mohawks did not spontaneously make reparation ;
but they soon after showed that nothing was further from
their thoughts. They approached Isle Orleans, and one
morning,’ before sunrise, they fell on a vand of ninety
Hurons, of all ages and sexes, who were at work in a field,
killed six, bound all the rest,‘ and putting them in their

at Quebec, January 26,1673. James tion, 1657, and from p. 11 it seems

Fremin was apparently recently ar-
rived. He was in Onondaga from
1656 to 1658; then at Miscou,
Three Rivers, and Cape de la
Madeleine. Selected for the Cayu-
ga mission in 1666, he was mis-
sionary on the Mohawk from 1667
to 1671. He died at Quebec, July 2,
1691. Two lay-brothers, Brother
Ambrose Broar and Brother Joseph
Boursier, also went: Relation, 1656,
p. 38; Relation, 1657, p. 9; Creux-
ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 794.

'T do not find this in the Rela-

that they did not take provisions
enough to last till they got to Onon-
daga.

2 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1657, p. 9. A lay-brother is the
only one mentioned as wounded.

’ May 20, 1656: Rel., 1657, p. 5;
Chaumonot, Autobiographie, p. 73.

4'The Relation for 1657 docs not
give the total number or that of
the killed. It says indefinitely (p.
6), “Our loss was seventy-one per-
sons, with a great number of young
women.”

Le NEDA, Em Loa

yw the

» gave
ed all
bly of
which
n was,
e new
party
orders
miss2d
olated
After
: “We
k you

politic
1 posi-
cisive,
‘ation ;
r from
id one
ninety
a field,
1 their

it seems
rovisions
to Onon-

France,
rp is the
nded.
7, p. 5;
, p. 73.
does not
that of
‘itely (p.
one per-
of young

Roveaeasaes 5

Senne) cease

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

canoes, passed haughtily before Quebec, making their
prisoners sing in front of the fort,' as if to defy the gov-
ernor-general to come and rescue them from their hands,
carried them off to their village unpursued,’ burned the
chief among them, distributed the rest among the cantons,
and retained them in a harsh captivity.’

Mr. de Lauson has been severely censured for having
put up with such insolence : and his inaction, it must be
confessed, while they were carrying off, so to say, from
between his arms, allies whose preservation equally con-
cerned the honor of the French name and that of religion,
casts a stain on his memory which all his virtue cannot
efface ; but it is because there are misfortunes which men
do not forgive, and which, to their way of thinking, dis-
honor a man as much as the greatest cowardice. The
Hurons, in consequence of a presumptuous confidence,
had allowed themselves to be surprised. To rescue them

from the Mohawks would have required the ecalline out of
1 5 .

five or six hundred men ; and even if the governor-general
had had them ready, the time necessary to arm and em-
bark them would have given the savages a greater start
than was needed to baffle any efforts of a pursuing party.
A young Huron‘ of this ill-starred band, who escaped
from the village where he was a captive, subsequently
gave most edifying details of the piety and constancy of
these fervent neophytes, many of whom were treated with
unparalleled inhumanity, especially one of their chiefs,
whose tortures lasted three days, during which he never

‘Perrot, Memoire, etc. p. 106.
De la Potherie devotes only one
page (Histoire de l’Amérique Sep-
tentrionale, pp. 125, 126) to the
history of the Hurons,

2 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1657, p. 6; Perrot, Mceurs, ete., des
Sauvages, p. 84. Colden (in his His-
tory of the Five Nations, N. Y., 1727,
p. 17) alludes to this surprise as a

“great battel, in which the Quato-
ghies (i.¢., Hurons) were entirely
destroyed.”

3M. Marie de 1’Incarnation, Let-
tres Historiques, pp. 532, 533. The
details of this surprise were ascer-
tained from Joachim Ondakout, who
was relieved by the colony going to
Onondaga : Relation, 1657, p. 11.

4 Joachim Ondakout.

Adventures
of the Outa-
ouais after
the destrue-
tion of the
Hurons.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

ceased praising the Lord, although he discovered from
the outset that it was his perseverance in this holy exer-
cise which irritated his torturers and made them prolong
his martyrdom.’

A fortnight after the occurrence of this misforiune,
thirty Ottawas’ landed at Quebec, guided by two French-
men,’ and loaded with fars. But before enter'ng into
the results flowing from this voyage, it will be well to
resume matters a little further back.

The Iroquois had no sooner expelled the Hurons from
their country, than they undertook to inflict the same
treatment on all their allies. The Ottawas were of this
number ; and as they saw themselves no longer in a posi-
tion to resist the conquerors of one of the bravest and
most powerful nations on the continent, they did not deem
it proper to wait till the Iroquois came to burn their towns
and butcher them there.

Some had already retired to Saguinaw Bay, others to
Thunder Bay (both on Lake Huron), a number to Mani-
toualin‘ Island, and that of Michillimakinac; but the

mass of the nation remained on the banks of the great

river’ which bears their name, till the entire destruction

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, ante, p. 8. The Ottawas, a small

1657, p. 25.

2VYhe French form is Outaouais ;
but as it will be of constant occur-
rence, the ordinary English form
will be adopted hereafter.

3'These two Frenchmen had set
out, Aug. 6, 1654 (Relation de la
Nouvelle France, 1656, p. 38), and
returned in the latter part of August,
1656: Ib.; Perrot, Mceurs, ete.,
p. 83.

‘These were all apparently old
resorts. Thunder Bay is said to be
called from a chief of that name.

5 Charlevoix here follows out his
erroneous idea that the Ottawas
were on the Ottawa River. See

tribe allied to the Outchipoués, or
Ojibways, always resided west of
the Hurons. They are first called
Andatahoiiat (Sagard, Dictionnaire,
v. Nations; Histoire du Canada, p.
200); Ondatauauat (Bressani, p. 6);
Ondataouatouat (Relation, 1654, p.
9)—a Huron term, perhaps from on-
data, wood, and equivalent to Gens
des Bois, Du Creux, in his map,
places them on Manitouline Island,
as does Champlain (map, p. 7),
Bressani (Breve Relatione, p. 6),
and the Relation de la Nouvelle
France, 1671, p. 31. The Hurons,
at a later date, gave this name to
the Illinois: Potier (MS).

from
exer-
olong

riune,
ench-
- into
ell to

; from
same
f this
, posi-
st and
deem
towns

prs to
Mani-
it the

great
uction

a small
oucs, or
west of
t called
onnaire,
nada, p.
i, p. 6);
1654, p.
rom on-
to Gens
is map,
. Island,

ny

p. 7),
, p. 6),
Vouvelle
Hurons,
name to

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

271

of the Huron towns. Then they joined the Tionnontatez

Hurons,' with whom they penetrated far into the southern “~~”

regions. They first formed an alliance with the Sioux,

then fell out with them, and, to their cost, trained to

war that nation, till then by no means brave, and little
known east of the Mississippi. They then broke up into
several bands, and the wretched state to which they were
reduced spread everywhere the terror of the Iroquois

name.’

At last, in consequence of their wanderings in those
yast countries, and their division into several bands,

some of which have never since appeared, both were so

! Some of the Hurons fled to Mani-
touline (Relation, 1651, p. 5); the
Tionontates to Michillimakinac
Island (Relation, 1671, p. 87). In
1652 they were at Teaontorai—? the
Noquet Islands—(Relation, 1672, p.
85; Perrot, p. 80), and the next
year were about to retreat into Lake
Superior, to Aotonatendie (Rague-
neau, Journal, July, 1653), near
the great lake which we call “ of
the Puants” (Relation, 1654, p. 9)}—
probably the Pointe du St. Esprit,
Chagoimegon (Rel., 1667, p.9; 1672,
p. 35). In 1658 they were among the
Pottawotamies (Relation, 1658, p. 21),
and in 1659 they were on the Mis-
sissippi (Relation, 1660, p. 12; Per-
rot, p. 83). Here they came into
contact with the Sioux, and falling
out with them, ascended Black
River (Perrot, p. 87), although the
Ottawas, who had till then kept
them company, marched on to Cha-
goimikon (Perrot, p. 87). Here Me-
nard evidently found the Ottawas,
and was going from their village to
thai of the Hurons on Black River
when he lost his life (Relation, 16638,
p. 21; Perrot, p. 91). A remnant of
the Neuters was apparently blended
with these Tionontates. After the

overthrow of the Hurons and Tio-
nontates, six hundred Iroquois, in
1650, attacked the Neuters, but were
routed by Tahontaenrat, who killed
two hundred (Ragueneau, Journal,
April, 1651). Another Iroquois army,
of twelve hundred, invaded the Neu-
ter territory the next winter (ib.)
These took Te Otondiation, and des-
olated the Neuter country (ib., Sept.,
1651); but the Neuters formed an
alliance with the Andastes, and
gained such advantages that the
Seneca women and children fled
from their towns (ib., April 19, 1652).
The last Neuter town was opposite
Detroit (Perrot). After this a rem-
nant of eight hundred fled to Skan-
chioe, and in the fall of 1653 were
preparing to join the Tionontates at
A otonatendie, three leagues beyond
the Rapid Skia,e or Sault Si. Mary,
which was a general resort of Otta-
was, Chippeways, Nipissings (Jour.,
July, 1653). Here we lose trace,
and cannot tell whether they actu-
ally united with the Hurons or sub-
mitted to the Iroquois. Most prob-
ably they did both, as, some years
later, they formed a considerable
part of the Senecas.
? Perrot, Memoire, pp. 86, 87.

1656.

The Otta-
was.

ro

272

1656.
—_—_——

The Otta-
was,

HISTuxY OF NEW FRANCE,

reduced in numbers, that it may be said that not a twen-
tieth part now exists.’ It was one sf these detached
bands of the Ouewa nation, who had been joined by some
Hurons, that the two Frenchmen just mentioned had
brought from the shores of Lake Michigan to Quebec,
where their weleome was the more cordial from the praise
bestowed by their guides on the treatment which they
had received. Intercourse with the Hurons had some-
what improved the manners of that people, one of the
rudest in Canada, and had even given them some slight
tincture of Christianity.’

The two Frenchmen, who were worthy men, had bap-
tized some of their children at the point of death,’ and
these little innocents went to take possession of heaven in
the name of their nation; but notwithstanding these fair
hopes, the assiduous care of the missionaries never
could induce the Ottawas to relish the things that are
of God. There are few nations on the whole continent
where more effort has been made to produce Christians
and more unsuccessfully ;* but there was then no reason
to judge so, and the peltries, with which those who had
just arrived at Quebec were loaded, made Mr. de Lauson
believe it his duty not to neglect this occasion of extend-
ing the trade of the colony.

Thirty young men offered to accompaay the Ottawas
on their return ;> and Father le Quien,’ who governed the
mission during the absence of Father le Mercier, allowed
himself to be persuaded to give them Fathers Dreuillettes
and Garreau, with Louis le Boesme, a lay-brother, who

' Neither the Relations nor Per- ° His name was John Dequen, as
rot convey this idea his own autograph attests. In the
2 Relation de la Nouvelle France, Relation de la Nouvelle France for
165€, p. 39. 1656, written by him, it is printed
3 Tb. De Qven. He came to Canada in
4 The present missionaries have at 1635, and labored chiefly at Quebec.
last succeeded. He was Superior from 1656 to 1659,

5 Relation de la Nouvelle France, and died at Quebec Oct. 8, 1659, serv-
1656, p. 40. ing the sick in time of pestilence.

twen-
iched
some
had
ebec,
raise

they
;ome-
f the
slight

bap-
* and
en in
e fair
never
t are
inent
stians
pason
» had
wuson
tend-

AWwas
1 the
owed
lettes

who

uen, a8
In the
nce for
rinted
ada in
Juebee.
0 1659,
9, serv-
ence.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

had been brought up by Father de Brebeuf in the Huron
missions. This convoy started from Quebee a little before
mid-August, and the next day, as it approached Three
Rivers, it was warned by a canoe, dispatched by the
governor of that town, that there was a party of Méhawks
in the neighborhood. This party had already discerned
the Ottawas, and laid an ambuscade for them; but they
did not fall into it, and arrived safely at Three Rivers.’

The French who accompanied them then reflected that
these Indians were very ill equipped, and that they could
not escape an encounter with a foe whose forces might
increase at any moment. They accordingly resolved to
proceed no further ; and there were only three who were
unwilling to abandon the Jesuits.’ The Ottawas were no
sooner embarked than they perceived that the Mohawks
were at their heels ; yet this did not induce them to use
greater precaution as they advanced. They had pur-
chased fire-arms, the use of which was new to them. They
delighted to try them, and so kept the Mohawks in-
formed of their route, Their‘pursuers thus had time and
means to choose a suitable place to surprise them or
attack them advantageously.’

Such an opportunity presented itself on the banks of
the Lake of the Two Mountains, which is the discharge of
the Great River into the river St. Lawrence, above the
island of Montreal. Here they intrenched themselves on
a little hill, which gave them a lookout for a great dis-
tance, and they posted a considerable number of men with
guns in the bushes, on an advanced point close to which
the Ottawas had to pass. «Six canoes, containing Hurons
exclusively, with Father Garreau, were at the head of this
convoy, and, when they came within reach, the Mohawks

poured a volley on them,* killing and wounding a great

1 Relation de la N. F., 1656. p. 40, 3 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
? Relation de la Nouvelle France, 1656, p. 40; Creuxius, Historia Cana-

1356, p. 40. Charlevoix dovs not densis, p. 796.

follow the authority precisely. * Relation de la N. F., 1656, p. 41.
Vou. I.—18

273

1656,

— —

Mixsion-
iries ure
given to
some of
them,

They are
attacked by
the Mo-
hawks.

274

1656,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

many. They then rushed on, tomahawk in hand, and
’

~~ made prisoners of all who had not perished at the first

Father Gar- volley.

reau mor-
tall
wounded,

Among these captives was the missionary, whose
spine was broken by a musket-ball.’

At the first sound of the attack the Ottawas plied their
paddles to relieve or avenge their comrades. On reach-
ing the point where the Huron canoes had remained with
the corpses of the slain, they landed without opposition,
and in the ardor which possessed them had well-nigh
carried all the Mohawk defences ; but after a pretty stub-
born fight, in which much blood was shed on either side,
the assailants were obliged to draw off. Yet they did not
retire far, but intrenched on their side, firmly resolved, to
all appearance, not to leave the spot till they had satis-
faction of the Iroquois; but the next night they secretly
decamped, and in the morning nothing was found in their
intrenchment but the two Jesuits, with the three French-
men who accompanied them.”

As soon as the chief of the Mohawk party was informed
of it, he went to visit the two religious. This chief was
the Flemish Bastard, already mentioned. His compliment
rolled entirely on the sorrow which he declared he felt for
the wound of Father Garreau, and he protested that the
missionary had not been recognized till after the first
charge, in which he had been wounded. Nothing was less
sincere than this excuse ; for the missionary had no sooner
fallen into the hands of the Mohawks than they stripped
him naked, in spite of his wound, and from that time they
had given him neither food nor drink, nor even thought of
dressing his wound.’ The next day,’ the 2d of Septem-

1 Relation, 1656, p. 41; Creuxius,
Hist. Can., p. 796 ; Belmont, Hist. du
Canada, p. 9; Perrot, Memoire, etc.,
p. 84; Pijart, Relation (MS.) de la

Mort du P. Garreau. According to
Perrot, Father Garreau was shot by
a Frenchman who had joined the
Iroquois, but whom the Mohawks

‘of the Mohawks:

gave upto the French to be shot.

2 Druillettes and the lay-brother
Garreau were already in the hands
Relation de la
Nouvelle France, 1656, p. 41.

3 Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1656, p. 42.

4 He wasshot on Wednesday, Aug.

, and
e first
whose

their
‘each-
l with
sition,
l-nigh
stub-
side,
d not
ed, to
satis-
cretly
. their
‘rench-

ormed
f was
iment
elt for
ut the
> first
is less
sooner
ripped
» they
cht of
ptem-

ve shot.
-brother
e hands
1 de la

France,

ay, Aug.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCR,

ber, he was taken to Montreal by some Mohawks, who,

(rn ARE EOD EP

1656,

with a very ill grace, presented two belts—one to show —~—

their regret for having fired upon him, without knowing
him: the other to wipe away the tears of his fellow-
religious.’

Father Claude Pijart, who was fortunately at Montreal,
received the wounded priest, who was now beyond all
remedy, and who expired on the 4th,’ in his arms, implor-
ing of the Almighty the conversion of his murderers. Fa-
ther Leonard Garreau was a native of Limoges,’ and New
France lost in him an excellent laborer. After his death,
Father Dreuillettes, with their companion, turned back
towards Quebec, whence the former soon returned to the
Abénaquis.*

There was no longer any ground for doubting the dis-
satisfaction with which the Mohawk canton regarded the
good understanding between the Upper Iroquois and the
French, or that it sought all means of breaking it off.
The French, on their side, flattered themselves that, if the
four upper cantons remained firm in their alliance, the
Mohawks would be forced, sooner or later, to follow their
example, or at least remain quiet, for fear of being over-
whelmed by them; and great hopes were based on the
settlement about to be made at Onondaga, Mr. Dupuys,
after a short stay at Three Rivers and Montreal, had left

the last-named island on the 8th of June, and the same

30, and it was not till Saturday that
they carried him to Montreal: Re-
lation de la Nouvelle France, 1656,
p. 42; Creuxius, Historia Canadensis,
p. 799.

' Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1656, p. 42.

* He died on the 2d: Relation de
la Nouv. France, 1656, p. 42 ; Creux-
ius, Historia Canadensis, p. 799 ; Pi-
jart, Relation (MS.)

3 Leonard Garreau was born at
St. Aredius de Perche, Oct. 11, 1609.

His father had fought gallantly un-
der Henry IV., and was renowned
for his extensive and discriminating
charities. He entered the Society
of Jesus, Sept. 27, 1628. He came
to Canada in August, 1643, and had
been constantly and actively em-
ployed in the Huron and Algonquin
missions. Du Creux (in his History,
pp. 799-810) writes somewhat at
length.

‘I find no authority for the last
statement, and doubt it.

Death of

Father Gar-

reau,

276

1656.
—_—_——

Tho French
reach On-
ondaga,

Their re-
ception,

July 11,

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

day he fell upon a Mohawk party, whom he plundered, in
retaliation for the canoes which those Indians had robbed
a short time before.'

On the 29th, about nine in the evening, the voice of a
man in pain was heard in the camp. The commander at
once ordered the drums to beat, and an Indian was seen
approaching, though with great difficulty. It was the
young Huron who had escaped, as already related, after
the incursion into Isle Orleans. The skin of his body was
half roasted, and for seventeen days that he had been
wandering he had tasted no food but berries. The Onon-
dagas who accompanied the French made him a drink
which soon restored his stomach. Food was then given,
and the poor creature sent to Quebec.’

The rest of their voyage was prosperous, except that
they suffered considerably from want of provisions, their
supply not having been properly managed. They had
reckoned, as usual, on fishing and hunting. Both these
resources failed, and the French, who were not accus-
tomed to fast like the Indians, would almost all have died
of starvation, had not the Onondaga sachems sent out
canoes, loaded with provisions, to meet them. By this
means they learned, moreover, that a large number of Iro-
quois, of all the cantons, and many other Indians, awaited
them on the banks of Lake Gannentaha;’ and Mr. Du-
puys, on his side, prepared to make his entrance into the
country.

Before reaching the spot where the Indians had halted,
he landed five small pieces of cannon, and fired a
volley. He then re-embarked, and sailing on in fine
order,’ he entered the lake, where, in less than fifteen
minutes, he fired two general volleys of musketry. To

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, taha means Material for the Council
1657, p. 10. Fire. Morgan.

2 Relation de la Nouvelle France, Their banner was of white silk,
1657, p. 11. with the monogram of Jesus em-

3 Now Lake Onondaga. Gannen- broidered: Relation, 1657, p. 10.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

277

red, in

judge by appearances, he was received in the most re- 1656.
robbed

spectful and cordial manner in the world. Harangues,
banquets, chants, dances—nothing was spared. ‘The next st. Mary's

of Ganen-
day, July 12, the Te Deum was chanted at the close of a” tahu

solemn Mass ; then the sachems offered the presents usu-

e of a

ler at

is seen ally made in treaties of alliance ; and on the 16th all the
‘as the French received communion with a piety which was an
1, after excellent example, and produced a great impression on
ly was the minds of the Indians. The next day they began to .
d been prepare their quarters, and Father le Mercier proceeded
Onon- to visit the town of Ononduga, where he was received with
» drink great ceremony.’
given, On the 24th a general council was held, and Father Chau-
monot there spoke of the Christian religion with the same
pt that eloquence and the same success as he had done on his
s, their arrival in the canton.’ The same day, deputies came from
ey had the canton of Cayuga to solicit a missionary, and Father
h these Mesnard was granted to them.’ All was now apparently
accus- in movement, in the canton of Onondaga, to embrace
ve died Christianity, and it became necessary to increase by more
ent out than one-half the chapel, no longer able to hold all who
By this sought instruction in our mysteries. In the month of
of Lro- August there were excessive heats, which caused great
awaited maladies, but, by the good care of the Indians, all the
Ir, Du- sick soon recovered.'
nto the This last mark of affection on the part of this people
convinced the most incredulous that the Onondagas could
halted, be depended upon in future; yet the wisest thought
fired a precautions necessary, at least against fickleness, and it
in fine proved fortunate that their advice was followed. To hold
. fifteen this canton in check, and by its means the rést, required
ry. To only tl 3 erection of a fort. But all the resources of Can-
ne Council

' Relation de la Nouvelle France, ® Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1657, p.14. It is represented as five 1657, p. 16.
leagues from St. Mary’s. Le Mer- 5 Ib. (p, 19) does not state the day,
cier was called, by the Onondagas, ‘ Relation de la Nouvelle France,
Achiendase, 1657, p. 19.

vhite silk,
Jesus em-

,p. 10.

Bome of the
Isle Orleans
Hurons
offer to
we the

ohawka,
and repent,

Haughti-
ness of the
Mohawk
envoys.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

ada would not have sufficed to meet such an expense, and
among the associntes in the New France Company no one
had less credit, or was less hearkened to, than those who
were best informed as to the country.

While these things were passing at Onondaga, the
Hurons on Isle Orleans, no longer deeming themselves
secure, took refuge in Quebec ; and in a moment of vesent-
ment at having been abandoned by the French, they sent
secretly to propose to the Mohawks to receive them into
their canton, so as to form only one people with them.’

They had no sooner taken this step than they repented ;
but the Mohawks took them at their word, and seeing
that they endeavored to withdraw their proposition, re-
sorted to measures to compel them to adhere to it. They
began by letting loose upon them several parties, who
butchered or carried off all who went out apart in the
fields ; and when they supposed that these hostilities had
rendered them more tractable, they sent thirty deputies
to Quebec to bring them in.’

Nothing could exceed the haughtiness with which these
envoys discharged their commission. They first applied
to Mr. de Lauson, and asked to be heard in a general
assembly of the Hurons and French; and the governor-
general having consented, the chief of the deputation first
addressed the Hurons, saying: “ Brother, it is now some
time’ since you stretched out your hands to beg me to
lead you to my country ; but as often as I get ready to do

so you draw back, and it is to punish you for your incon-
stancy that I have struck you with my hatchet. Believe
me. Give me no more ground to treat you thus. Arise
and follow me.” With these words, he presented two
belts—one, he said, to help the Hurons to rise ; the other

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France, who encamped three or four days’
1657, p. 19. march from Quebec, and sent thirty
2The Relation (1657, p. 20) does to the Hurons to summon them to
not mention hostilities. It says a go.
party of one hundred was sent, * Four years.

, and
0 One
» who

, the
selves
‘sent-
y sent
. into
n.?

nted ;
eeing
n, re-
They
, who
n the
s had
puties

these
pplied
oneral
ernor-
n first
some
me to
to do
incon-
elieve
Arise
d two
other

ir days’
it thirty
them to

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

to assure them that henceforward the Mohawks would live

with them as with their brethren,’

He then turned towards the general, and spoke to him
in these words: “ Ononthio, lift up your arms ard let
your children go, whom you hold clasped to your bosom ;
for, should they commit any folly, it is to be feared, that
while intending to chastise them, my blows may reach
you. This is to open your arms.” And he presented a
belt. “I know,’ he continued, “that the Huron loves the
prayer ; that he acknowledges and adores the Author of

all things; that in all his necessities he has recourse to
Him. I wish to do the same. Consent that Ondesson
(Father le Moyne)—who has left me, I know not why—
return with the Huron to instruct me; and as I have not
canoes enough to take so many, do me the favor to lend
me yours.” He supported these two requests with two

other belts, and retired.’

The reader will doubtless have much difficulty in under-
standing what oblige’ Mr. de Lauson’ to suffer such inso-
lence at a time when ie hal no other enemy on his hands
except the single canton of the Mohawks. Perhaps he
wished to see, before coming to a rupture with them, in
what way affairs would turn at Onondaga. But the fact
is that he manifested to the Mohawks no resentment at
the haughty discourse of their orator. This the Hurons
marked well, and they were greatly embarrassed. Past

' Relation de la Nouvelle France,
1657, p. 20.

2 Ib,

5 The acting governor at this time
was Mr. Charles de Lauson de Char-
ny, son of the governor. He came
to Canada, June 23, 1652. In Au-
gust, 1652, he married Mary Louisa
Giffard, who died in 1656. After
his father’s departure, in the sum-
mer of 1656, he administered the
government till Sept. 18, 1657, when

experience and the conduct of the Iroquois made tem

he went to France, and having teen
ordained, returned in 1659 with
Bishop Laval. In 1672 he returned
with his daughter to France; Bel-
mont, Histoire du Canada, p.9; Me-
moires de la Soc, Hist. de Montreal,
p. 80. Juchereau (Histoire de 1'Ho-
tel Dieu, p. 110) is mis \ken in Bup-
posing that John de Lauson, the
seneschal, was left as governor. Seo
Faillon, Histoire ds !c Colonie Fran-
Gaise, ii, p. 259,

279

1056,
——

Embarrass-
ment of the
Hurons,

280 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE,

1656. fear the worst, and their destruction seemed certain, take
—Y~" which course they would. In this perplexity they divided.
Some declared that they would not leave the French ;
others resolved to give themselves to the Onondagas, with
whom they had already entered into engagements. Only

the Bear family kept its word given to the Mohawks.’
These resolutions taken, the council reassembled ; and
although the governor-general had take: , apparently, no
measures to have his rank respected, he chose to be pres-
ent. Father le Moyne, who acted as his interpreter,
spoke first, and said: “ Ononthio loves the Hurons. They
are his children ; but he does not keep them in lcuding-
strings. They are old enough to act for themselves. He
opens his arms and leaves them at liberty to go whither
they will. For my part, I will follow them wherever they
go. If they go to you, Mohawk, I will instruct you also
in what manner it is necessary to pray and adore the
Maker of all things; but I dare not hope that you will
listen to me. I know you, and know how far your indo-
cility goes; but I will console myself with the Hurons.
As to the canoes you ask, you see well enough that we
have scarcely what we need. If you have not enough,

make some.”

The whole The chief of the Bear family of the Hurons’ then spoke.

Bear tribe ) ° $
gives itsal¢ “ Brothers,” said he, “I am yours. I throw myself with

ta the Mo- closed eyes into your canoes, prepared for every thing, even

to die. But I wish to go at first alone, with my own cabin.*
I will not permit others to embark with me. If hereafter
the rest of my nation wishes to come and join me, I will
not oppose it; but I am glad to be able to let them see

!The Attignenonhac, or Cord fam- 1657, p. 21. Le Moyne's remarks
ily, resolved to stay ; the Arendar- closed, not opened, the conference.
rhonon, or Rock, to go to Onondaz 3 Atsena or le Plat.
and the Attignaouantan, or Bear, to 4 The word cabin is used to mean
join the Mohawks: Relation de la family.—Charlevotx. The expression
Nouvelle France, 1657, p. 20. See is not, however, given in the re-
ante, p. 71, n. marks of the Bear-Chief in the Re-
2 Relation de la Nouvelle France, lation, 1657, p. 21.

take
idod.
anch ;
with
Only

; and
ly, n0
pres-
reter,
They
\ding-
. He
hither
' they
1 also
‘e the
u will
indo-
urons.
at we
ough,

spoke.
f with
r, even
cabin.*
reafter
I will
m see

remarks
prence.

to mean
‘pression
the re-
the Re-

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

first in what manner you treat me.” He then threw down
three belts, which had no object except to induce the Mo-
hawks to act honorably with him, and omit nothing to
make him forget what a sacrifice he made for his sake,
and also to ease his journey. The deputies accepted the
belts, and seemed very well satisfied. They then set to
work to make canoes, and when they were completed,
they embarked, with the Hurons and Father le Moyne.’

A few days after their departure, deputies from Onon-
daga reached Quebec, to require the Hurons who had
offered themselves to their canton to keep their word.
They were much shocked to learn that the Bear family
had followed the Mohawks, The Hurons made a poor
excuse, and were the more embarrassed, as the French
would not embroil themselves with that canton, which
took a very high tone. At last, the governor-general told
the deputies, though in very guarded terms, that they
were wanting in respect to their Father; that a part of
the Hurons were disposed to follow them, but that their
wives and children were afraid of their weapons, and that
it was not in the guise of warriors that they should come
to seek friends and brethren ; that if they wished to do
things regularly, they should return home; that the
Hurons would keep their word with them when they were
able to regard them no longer as enemies; and to show
them that what he said was not a pretext, the Hurons
would go to Montreal to await them, and would give
hostages.”

This reply seemed to appease them. They were feasted,
and returned in apparent satisfaction. Nevertheless, these
frequent altercations, the dissolution of a numerous Chris-
tian body on which the most legitimate hopes had been
vased, and the hostility of the Mohawks, caused great un-

?The Hurons set out August 21, * Relation de la Nouvelle France,
and Father le Moyne followed on the 1657, p. 23. It does not mention
26th ; Relation, 1658, p. 9. the governor's action.

—_———

Onondagas
arrive at
Quebec
with the

saine view.

HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

easiness both in the governor-general and the mission-
aries. It is true that the latter had matter for consola-
tion in the numerous conversions daily wrought among
the very tribes which had shown the greatest opposition
to the gospel, as well as in the treasures of grace and
virtue which they remarked more and more in their neo-
phytes. The memoirs of that time are full of most edify-
ing traits of the fervor of these Indian Christians, which I
suppress with regret. Thus did the Almighty keep these
evangelical laborers in constant alternations of fear and
hope, quickening in them the two virtues most necessary
in the work of apostleship, distrust in themselves and
confidence in Him whose ministers they were.

Sn eee Sse

sslon-

nsola-
mong
sition
e and
Eee DISCOVERY OF CHAMPLAI ‘3 TOMB.
edify-
hich I aC ae
these
x and Tur Relation which details the circumstances of the death of Champlain
essary throws no light on the place of his interment. The Relation for the year
s and { 1643, p. 3, in noticing the burial of Father Raymbault, states that he was
“interred near the body of late Mr. de Champlain, who is in a private
vault (sepulchre) erected expressly to honor the memory of that distin-
i guished personage, to whom New France is under such obligation.”
i A register states that this was in Champlain’s chapel. Mr, Ferland,
4 with many other students, took this to be the Governor’s chapel, attached
i to the Church of Notre Dame de Recouvrance, at or near the site of the
Re present English cathedral,
if The Abbé Laverdiére, while editing a new edition of Champlain’s voy-
i ages, was anxious to devide the point. He was soon satisfied that thig
i| chapel was in the Lower Town, and that it was the Recollect Chapel
i} built in 1615. Investigation and the light of documents proved that this
was in the Anse of the Cul-de-Sac, on a street still called Champlain
Street, where an ancient cemetery exists. Arrived at this stage, Mr. La.
i verdiére and the Abbé Casgrain, who had joined in his researches, were
i overwhelmed with disappointment to find that only ten years since the
| water-works had run directly through the ground. Application to H,
HH O'Donnell, Esq., the assistant-engineer who directed the works, brought out
it the fact that he had come, at the foot of the stairs called Little Champlain
} Street, upon a vault containing a coffin and human remains apparently of
r some distinguished person ; and that he had at the time preserved a plan
5

|
t

t

of the locality and sketches of two of the bones.

Remains of three
bodies were found near, The body in the

rault was undoubtedly Cham-
plain’s ; those near it, the remains of Father Raymbault, the Recollect
Brother Pacificus du Plessis, and of Mr, de Ré, know
terred near Champlain’s vault,

n to have been in-

84 HISTORY OF NEW FRANCE.

Part of the ancient vault was preserved in the new works, and the
Abbés Laverdiére and Casgrain descending into it, November 10, 1866,

found it about cight feet square, and about fourteen feet from the corner
of Sous-le-Fort Street. The body had lain in the direction of Champlain
Street. They were able on the wall still to trace in part the name Samven
pE Cuamptaty. It now remained to find the bones, These had at the
time been placed in a box and conveyed to the Parish Church, where they

were kept for about three years, and there being no prospect of their
identification, the box was, by direction of the Rev. Edmund Langevin,
buried near the cathedral, with injunctions to mark the spot. This was
neglected, but hopes are still entertained of its recovery, when Quebec
will do honor to the remains of its illustrious founder.

A more curious and persistent search has seldom been made than this,
so honorable to the Abbé Laverdjre. (See Découverte du Tombeau de
Champlain, par MM. les Abbés Laverdiére et Casgrain. Quebec, 1866.
80, 19 pp., three plans.)

id the
1866,
corner
nplain
SAMVEL
at the
-e they
f their
gevin,
is was
Quebec

n this,
eau de
, 1866.

DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER.

PorTRAIT OF C'HAMPLAIN (to face title).

FAC-SIMILES OF SIGNATURES... 5. ese e cere ence ee ceereee arenes rere cree

MAP OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN..... eee ee eee ees oh te tela arg Qe lalate Cae vi eNO a BP

PorTRAIT OF MR. OLIER..... Sale dequee odes bbe Ce ce oe Pee Hee ee wae ee see nese
PORTRAIT OF FATHER ISAAC JOGQUES. . 1... cece creer eet ee cee een eeeeeeeeees

Map oF MONTREAL.......+6+ AT ENC TT

FAC-SIMILES OF SIGNATURES. 0.0.0.0 e eee e ee ee eer etn eee e tence es eee rnc ess

Bust oF FATHER BREBEUF.......-.-+++>- daa thine oars